Socialism and Politics Without Class Are "Nonsense"
— Commemorating the 102nd Anniversary of Lenin's Death By
Hao Guisheng
Author’s Note: This year marks the 102nd anniversary of the death of the great revolutionary mentor, Lenin. Leninism is the second milestone in the development of Marxism. The core and essence of Marxism is the theory of class struggle. This was stated clearly and unequivocally in the Communist Manifesto, the representative work that marked the public debut of Marxism.
As the successor and innovator of Marxism, Lenin explicitly and profoundly expounded on the theory of class struggle and its practical significance in many of his works. In his 1913 article, "The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx," aimed at various opportunists and bourgeois ideologues who distorted or denied class struggle, he stated: "All doctrines of non-class socialism and non-class politics prove to be sheer nonsense." He added: "Whoever talks of non-class politics and non-class socialism deserves simply to be put in a cage and exhibited alongside some Australian kangaroo."
On the 101st anniversary of Lenin’s death last year, I wrote an article titled "All Doctrines of Non-Class Socialism and Non-Class Politics are Nonsense." Re-reading it today, I find Lenin’s ideas as clear and profound as ever. They help us master the Marxist theory of class struggle and criticize the various absurd views in contemporary Chinese society that distort or deny it. I have made minor edits and simplified the title for republication. I welcome criticisms and corrections from my fellow "red" netizens!
January 14, 2026
I. An Overview of the Essence of Politics and Scientific Socialism
A key idea in Lenin’s 1913 article is using class struggle to understand political phenomena and socialism. How should we understand this idea and its guidance for Chinese Communists?
First, this thought is a high-level summary of Marx and Engels' theories. Politics and socialism did not begin with them. Aristotle used the term "politics" to refer to citizens participating in the administration of the city-state. Later, bourgeois thinkers defined politics as "the state’s activity," "power phenomena," or the "authoritative allocation of values." In ancient China, "politics" (zheng-zhi) referred to the "way of managing and governing the country." Sun Yat-sen famously said: "Politics is the management of the affairs of the masses."
Socialism emerged in the early stages of capitalism as a reaction against private ownership and exploitation. This led to Utopian socialist trends (More, Campanella, Saint-Simon, Owen, etc.). However, before Marx, all politicians and socialists held an idealist view of history. They could not scientifically explain the essence of politics or socialism because they failed to use the viewpoint of class struggle.
Marx and Engels discovered the materialist conception of history, pointing out that class struggle is the typical expression of social contradictions. They argued that all class struggles are political struggles; every struggle over state power is, at its core, a struggle over economic interests. The state is not merely a "manager" but an instrument of class oppression. Socialism, as the first stage of communism, is what Lenin called "a period of struggle between dying capitalism and nascent communism." Socialism is, quite simply, the abolition of classes.
II. Exposing and Criticizing False Socialism and Revisionism
While Utopian socialism had progressive elements, it lacked the theory of class struggle. After the Communist Manifesto, various factions—such as Lassalleanism, Dühringism, and later the revisionism of Eduard Bernstein—continued to oppose the Marxist doctrine of class struggle.
Engels criticized Dühring’s abstract "equality," stating that the real content of the proletarian demand for equality is the abolition of classes. Anything beyond that is "absurdity." Later, Bernstein proposed that "The movement is everything, the final goal is nothing." He argued that the working class should only pursue immediate, partial material interests and abandon the "final goal" of communism.
Lenin identified this as the essence of revisionism: sacrificing the fundamental interests of the proletariat for temporary, hypothetical gains. He noted that opportunists are objectively a "political detachment of the bourgeoisie" within the labor movement. Lenin argued that the victory of Marxism forces its enemies to "disguise themselves as Marxists." These "decayed liberals" try to revive themselves under the guise of socialist opportunism, preaching "social peace" and the renunciation of class struggle. This is why Lenin insisted that any socialism without class is "nonsense."
III. Significance for Contemporary Chinese Communists
The core of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought is the method of class analysis. To abandon this is to fall into idealism. While contemporary Chinese Communists still use terms like "Marxism" and "Socialism," we must face an objective fact: Certain power-holders, mainstream media, and key documents have unconsciously fallen into the trap of non-class opportunism that Lenin criticized.
On Marxism: While we speak of it daily, the core of Marxism—the abolition of private property and the dictatorship of the proletariat—is often sidelined. While the Communist Manifesto defines the "original mission" as the abolition of private property, it has been "revised" by some into the bourgeois-democratic concepts of "people's happiness and national rejuvenation."
On "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics": Marxism defines socialism as public ownership and a planned economy. However, official interpretations often adopt "market economy" (essentially the law of surplus value) and treat privatization and marketization as the core of reform.
On Culture: Instead of critiquing bourgeois and feudal culture, some have adopted Western culture wholesale under the guise of "globalization," or resurrected the "slave culture" and "power-worship" that Lu Xun once criticized. This has created a generation of "exquisite egoists" and corrupt officials. This is the inevitable result of "socialism" without class struggle.
On Party Leadership: While leadership is essential, it is currently discussed in terms of "purity" and "the people" while ignoring the class nature of the Party. A Communist Party that does not see itself as an instrument of class struggle or the "abolition of private property" risks becoming a bourgeois "production party" or a revisionist party.
Lenin, following Marx, pointed out that socialism is a historical period of struggle between capitalism and communism. This struggle governs all social contradictions. This is what Chairman Mao called "taking class struggle as the key link" (阶级斗争为纲). Today, some media criticize this idea, effectively discarding the core of Marxism and falling into the "absurd theoretical mud-pit" of Bernstein and Khrushchev.
Conclusion
"Politics" is not just about "political integrity" or "character"; the essence of politics is class struggle. In the eyes of certain contemporary power-holders and public intellectuals, "class struggle" is treated as a "sinful abyss" that harms economic development.
In short, the phenomenon of departing from Marxist class analysis in contemporary Chinese society is severe. All "innovative" theories of socialism that abandon class struggle are, in Lenin's words, "nonsense." Genuine Communists must take up the theoretical weapon of class struggle to expose and criticize these views, ensuring the preservation and development of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.