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August 17, 2025, Updated
Talk Starting from Society's "Qualitative Change,
" Zong Da's "Confession," and Qu Qiubai's "Superfluous Words"
By Lao Tian，2024
When reading Teacher Liu Jiming's book, I felt a very intimate connection because many of the personal and place names mentioned in the book are familiar to me. Although the names in the book are not the original ones, I can find historical or real-life prototypes. For example, with the character Zong Da, I can imagine Qu Qiubai, Wang Ming, and even the character "Da" reminds me of our old principal Li Da—this is a concrete representation of a very familiar group. The book mentions many place names like Fengyuan and Guiyuan that feel very close to me. My residence Meiyuan wasn't mentioned, which is a small regret.
Looking at it overall, reading this book was extremely shocking. From the title "Black and White," even if precise interpretation is difficult—this is where literature's richness as art lies—there's one point I believe everyone shares the same feeling about: the title speaks of the "two worlds" of old and new society that we used to talk about, and how this reversal and transformation occurred—through the typical environments, typical characters, their encounters, thoughts, and observations depicted in the book, people can clearly see how the opposing black and white worlds are re-enacted.
Due to time constraints, I'll discuss several points that particularly moved me.
The first particularly moving point is the social "qualitative change" we personally experienced. Teacher Liu and I are contemporaries, both post-60s generation, following the reform and opening-up history, personally witnessing the qualitative change of the era. The stories in the book gave me very deep feelings. Fundamental changes in people's worldviews are interrelated with the qualitative changes of the entire world. After the same world undergoes fundamental qualitative changes, people's views of the world will change accordingly. If they cannot change in time, they may be eliminated. The book describes some such people, including those who to a certain extent earn our sympathy and admiration and would receive high moral evaluation—people like Tian Fang, the old principal, and Wang Shengli. In many eras, they were positive figures, but the book presents how their hopes and paths were gradually cut off. A good society should create conditions for good people to accomplish good things, thereby achieving progress and development. In the social mechanisms of Mao's era, people like the old principal would be very prominent, becoming pillars of the times. They could not only do their own duties well but also play exemplary and demonstrative roles. The experiences they created could be promoted to help other places and people solve difficulties and problems, just like the Wang Jinxi and Chen Yonggui we're familiar with, who were known and learned from by people nationwide. Then their contributions to social progress would be even greater. Good institutions should reward good people, help them accomplish more good things, elevate and praise these people. Various resources should tilt toward these people, and publicity should serve them, so that the direction they represent becomes the mainstream direction, the direction guiding progress, the direction everyone follows. But in an era of black and white reversal, we sadly see the opposite trend—good people's paths are all cut off.
On the other hand, those affirmed by the new era thrive everywhere. The characters Teacher Liu shaped in "Black and White" are also very typical and profound. For example, Wu Bozhong as a successful quack doctor, and his actual biological son Du Wei, as well as someone who straddles both official and academic worlds (Lang Tao)—the glamorous success of such character images provides a stark contrast, telling us how great the scope of era change has been.
Choosing what kind of characters to develop what kind of lives is like choosing evidence when we write papers—what kind of evidence we choose, what typicality the evidence will have, what explanatory value it will provide. Behind this choice are deep-level standards and rules that differ greatly. At the same time, the weight distribution of evidence explaining conclusions, and the reasoning logic applied from evidence to conclusions, are also very different in practice. The novel is like an unconsciously unfolded paper, where characters and events in the story, according to different logics revealed by era transformations, consciously or unconsciously: perform themselves, serving as evidence to the end, letting us see the conclusions given by the era. Thus, reading good works can better help us understand this world and its changes.
There's a particularly striking political change—how people politically diagnose conditions and prescribe remedies reflects massive changes in philosophy or epistemology. For example, there's a popular saying online: "Don't solve problems, solve the people who raise problems." The book has such a plot where conflicts between university students and the cafeteria trigger student unrest, and in the handling process, they first look for people with ulterior motives who exploit our individual shortcomings to cause trouble. This should be after complete negation, when this way of diagnosing problems and prescribing remedies gradually became popular. Obviously, this became a new convention for diagnosing official-citizen contradictions. Common people actually dare to find fault with government officials, but who holds the power to find fault first—this cannot be mistaken. Previous famous sayings and proverbs could gain universal acceptance to become popular, and "solving the people who raise problems" gained universal acceptance online obviously corresponds to the new era's government cognition and handling methods for contradictions as well as common strategies. The reason such contradictions and their handling strategies appeared is to some extent of course because of bidding farewell to revolution and completely negating the Cultural Revolution. In 1980s propaganda, the criticism and supervision process of mass movements was completely smeared as manipulation by careerists. This way, the related evidence and reasoning logic became: the masses have no eyes or brains of their own, their political participation behavior can only be the result of being deceived, and the careerists who deceive common people all have bad intentions. Then, logically, order and justice are monopolized by the system and powerful figures, and then people who raise problems have ulterior motives—even if they themselves don't, someone else does.
It was only when reading this book that I deeply experienced and grasped this methodological qualitative change. Starting from completely negating the Cultural Revolution and criticizing mass participation in political supervision of officials, it brought about qualitative changes in philosophy and methodology, then catalyzed completely new political logic. Thereafter, when diagnosing and handling problems, when analyzing evidence and completing reasoning, there was no longer any consistency with the past—it became what we're familiar with today. The power of literature, and its power of reasoning, is indeed like gentle rain moistening things silently.
From here, we can see that this political logic doesn't recognize the theory of contradictions. Teacher Mao said in "On Contradiction": contradictions exist at all times and everywhere, and contradictions have primary and secondary aspects. If we recognize Teacher Mao's theory of contradictions, then specifically regarding official-citizen contradictions, officials are definitely the primary contradiction, and citizens are the secondary aspect of the contradiction. Thus when analyzing responsibility, the official aspect is definitely the primary aspect of the contradiction, its role is also decisive and primary. When pursuing accountability, it's also in the position of first responsible party, while citizens' responsibility is secondary. At most, because common people are not in management positions, they have inadequacies or partiality due to incomplete information or knowledge. The limitations of non-professional common people participating in politics are known in advance. If the people's supervision and participation are needed, then we need the correct attitude toward these inadequacies. Regarding this, Chairman Mao spoke very clearly in his speech at the Seventh Congress, with three sentences: "speak without reservation," "correct mistakes if you have made any and guard against them if you have not," "he who speaks is not guilty while he who hears should take warning," and also "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones, cure the sickness to save the patient." Chairman Mao's words indicate the necessity of people's participation in politics and supervision of government. The various inadequacies shown in this process don't have much actual harm. The key is instead to create conditions to protect those who dare to speak out, so that those who dare to raise problems have no worries. This is of course a completely different approach from solving the people who raise problems, with completely different philosophical and political logic behind it. At that time, it was clearly recognized that in official-citizen contradictions, officials are the primary aspect and citizens are the secondary aspect. As long as the problems of officials as the primary aspect of contradictions are solved, then contradictions will naturally be resolved.
We also see that many plots and characters narrated in the novel are ultimately handled by putting all problems on the person who raised the problems, initiating new methodological and political logical practice. In the 1980s, the customs of the old era hadn't completely disappeared yet. They still verbally acknowledged many shortcomings in work, which were exploited by bad people. In the entire logic of handling affairs and explanatory wording, bad people exploiting our shortcomings became the primary driving force for contradictions and incidents. Thus, we see a new political logic presented through the unfolding of "Black and White" stories. In such reading and understanding, the "qualitative change" of the entire historical process is revealed without reservation.
The very powerful aspect of the novel is using the concrete to represent the abstract, using the individual to represent the universal. From the novel's story development, we can see how our society changed step by step from before to today's situation.
Additionally, I have another very strong feeling, a particularly deeply felt point, related to Zong Da's traitor problem. Delving deeper, it actually involves the profound and complex relationship between intellectuals and revolution and the masses. At a deeper level, it's about how intellectuals move out of traditional thinking patterns, move out of "traditional propositions" to become modern organic intellectuals. The related differences are very profound. Similar problems often occur and are continuously encountered. Not long ago I was arguing about related differences with people in a group, finally ending unpleasantly with intense conflict, and even the WeChat group was disbanded by the group owner. The revolution passed long ago, but this problem actually still hasn't been resolved. Today there are too many arguments within small leftist circles. Those old problems from before still exist today, still inspiring thinking and differences, even inspiring deep emotional opposition.
The appearance of some characters in "Black and White," including later ideological activists in the 1980s transition, is related to the era's climate of large-scale intellectual participation in revolution. In 1935, with intensive Japanese invasion, the signing of the Tanggu Truce and He-Umezu Agreement, the anti-Japanese atmosphere throughout North China greatly increased. A considerable portion of intellectuals felt the need to act on their own for anti-Japanese resistance. At this time, the Red Army had just completed the Long March to northern Shaanxi and began major development, absorbing large numbers of intellectuals into the Party. After a period of interaction, around the Yan'an Rectification in the 1940s, among the Party's worker-peasant cadres—many of whom were veterans who had experienced the Long March—a near-consensus view formed, calling this batch of petty intellectuals those "blown in by democratic winds." This was certainly not a good evaluation—implying these people didn't have preparation for ideological revolution before their bodies entered the revolutionary ranks. Those relatively knowledgeable people who also couldn't well resolve their relationship with revolution and the masses (what we'd consider relatively minor petty intellectuals today) were seen as an untrustworthy group, different from us worker-peasant rustics, viewed as an alien force.
We know that before the Yan'an Rectification, several veteran cadres in Yan'an had scolded Ding Ling and Wang Shiwei. At that time, the worker-peasant cadre group had opinions about the petty intellectual cadre group, with deep mutual estrangement. After bidding farewell to revolution in the 1980s, the intellectual group in turn fully expressed their views on revolution and revolutionary leadership teams. It should be said that both sides' worldviews were nearly incommensurable. This precisely corresponds to the historical panorama revealed in "Black and White." After another 180-degree turn, opinion expression and practical development from the other side formed a contrast and a very good test.
That group "blown in by democratic winds," in the new transition of the 1980s, the most visible group was a batch of ideological high-level officials who had the opportunity to fully express themselves. Because during the long years of revolution and construction, the worker-peasant cadre group was the dominant group within the Party, while the group blown in by democratic winds was the disadvantaged group. Psychologically, they needed to justify themselves to the dominant group. Having been looked down upon by the mainstream worker-peasant cadre group within the Party for a long time, they had pent-up frustration to release. At the same time, the transition angle was too large, requiring explanation or self-legitimizing defense, so it was necessary to respond to others' former views. As a well-considered response—they called themselves "true at both ends," as Li Pu representing the group gathered around "Yanhuang Chunqiu" said.
This group calling themselves "true at both ends" were actually part of the reason and driving force for the rapid transitions described in the novel. They later had the opportunity to become history creators, pushing history rapidly into the transition of "black and white" (like Song Qiankun). To some extent, many aspects of subsequent social development and transition results are dark and difficult to whitewash. A psychological legitimizing method or self-meaning production manifested as "Yanhuang Chunqiu" promoting someone as a representative of clean capitalism. This magazine's long-term effort direction was also to achieve self-legitimization through scapegoating—bad people rejected the good capitalist path, so we're not responsible for the current darkness. "Yanhuang Chunqiu's" effort to achieve small group legitimacy production through "scapegoating" bad people can be considered a spectacle of a bizarre era. Regardless of whether that group was conscious or unconscious about subsequent developments, their early radical postures and statements, with naive salvific gospel narratives, urged those with rigid thinking to abandon their positions, massively publishing statements that looked ahead but not behind. They belonged to those who transformed particularly quickly. The nation's historical transformation later was very fast, turning particularly sharply. To some extent, it turned more "right" than America, which had much to do with this generation mastering ideology and holding cultural and ideological policy positions.
Behind the intellectual problem is the issue of mutual reflection between theory and reality, which is also one of the most important relationships in modern society. The era transformation revealed in "Black and White" records some thinkers' thoughts and interpretations, to some extent revealing a fundamental problem: the relationship between intellectuals and revolution and the masses. The book doesn't mention whether Zong Da actually defected, mentioning he was kidnapped by enemies and that "My Confession" was forged by enemies. Returning to real people and events in history may also be instructive. When Qu Qiubai was transferring in 1935, he was captured by enemies and later wrote "Superfluous Words" in prison, which was similar to a "confession." In this text, the overall tone was quite low, as if he hadn't made ideological preparation before being deeply involved in revolution. Regarding how to interpret his "confession," during the Cultural Revolution period, mainly Premier Zhou said Qu Qiubai was a traitor, saying "Superfluous Words" could be seen as insufficient revolutionary character, thus begging enemies for mercy to survive, which could serve as evidence of being a traitor. It should be said that this revelation during the revolutionary high tide was highly endorsed by the national masses, especially many middle school students. Compared to Sister Jiang, compared to Ye Ting who wouldn't crawl through dog holes, Qu's insufficient firmness was indeed quite inferior. Recently, a Professor Wang at East China Normal University who studies modern history said that looking at what Qu Qiubai wrote before death, compared to martyr Fang Zhimin, the difference was more than one level. This was a former interpretation, belonging to external perspective, looking at problems from comparing the gap between Qu Qiubai and other firm revolutionaries.
There's another interpretation that doesn't look at problems from external gaps but belongs to internal perspective, proposed from the internal difficulty of the relationship between intellectuals and revolutionary cause, from the difficulty of crossing individual inner gaps.
After Qu Qiubai was rehabilitated in the 1980s, writer Ding Ling wrote an article commemorating Qu Qiubai (in the 1930s, Ding Ling had deep interactions with both Qu Qiubai and his wife Yang Zhihua). She proposed a new way of interpreting "Superfluous Words": although Qu Qiubai's "Superfluous Words" had a low tone, it was very real, actually showing the ideological transformation requirements and transformation predicament encountered by intellectuals after joining the revolution—the things they liked became ineffective, making it difficult to meet revolutionary requirements. The relationship with revolutionary cause, the individual's relationship with the revolutionary team as a whole, the individual's relationship with the masses couldn't be adjusted properly for a long time. To some extent, Ding Ling herself may have encountered such problems, having empathetic understanding. Comparing this way, Premier Zhou saying Qu Qiubai was a traitor was basically an external perspective, criticizing him from outside—he had this gap compared to others. But Ding Ling's understanding was from internal sympathetic understanding, feeling that intellectuals as a special social stratum, to participate in revolutionary cause, to deeply interact with and lead masses, indeed had many difficulties that hadn't been overcome—psychological gaps too large to cross. Qu Qiubai's "Superfluous Words," though low in tone, precisely reflected his spiritual state. He acknowledged having such gaps, but this didn't prevent him from being a very honest revolutionary. It should be said that in the new era, Ding Ling's interpretation based on internal perspective also won many people's approval.
I've read "Superfluous Words" repeatedly. One sentence particularly moved me: Qu Qiubai said that after he entered the Central Soviet Area from Shanghai, he had long heard about land revolution and very much wanted to understand it. He repeatedly sought out local peasants, but just couldn't communicate. What he wanted to say and ask, the peasants couldn't understand, and what the peasants said, he couldn't understand either. There was no way to achieve communication, remaining unclear about it. For such major social transformation, he very much hoped to understand, but he couldn't find a channel to dialogue with peasants. I found this particularly real and moving. For individuals, determining whether someone is a traitor or not merely means the survival or abolition of symbolic capital related to reputation. But for the state and revolution, if people with excessively large internal gaps remain in high positions without at least appropriate restraint, the consequences would be unpredictable.
Starting from such an internal perspective, extending outward, we can also verify and partially answer why socialism reached this stage. Even sincere revolutionaries like Qu were incompatible with understanding land revolution and the masses, while that group "blown in by democratic winds" survived and gained power. This reflects a fundamental problem: revolution or subsequent socialist cause still left a fundamental problem unsolved—how to cultivate our own administrative and technical cadre teams, as well as ideological work personnel? Sincere revolutionaries from the old society had considerable gaps in this regard. Whether finding gaps internally or externally, gaps existed. Cadre teams administratively control society's overall coordination of people, finances, and materials. Intellectual groups control organized learning systems that master production technology and concentrate mass wisdom. Daily, they educate and guide the masses. If they themselves are confused, what would the objective consequences be? "Black and White" presents enormous effects of separation between name and reality in grand social scenes—what's said differs from what's done, consequences differ too much from original propaganda. This problem cannot be cancelled through the scapegoating methods operated by magazines like "Yanhuang Chunqiu." Generation after generation of people's fates are thrown into the great tide to rise and fall, not knowing where the shore is.
Because human problems themselves haven't been resolved, cognitive internal gaps and obstacles still exist, the transitional effects we see are those presented in "Black and White." If reading novels can transcend simple oppositions of good and bad people, seeking profit and suffering loss, as Teacher Liu wrote in the afterword, placing them in typical environments with typical characters, then to some extent we can see: how people reflect or become the sum of social relations, and how they themselves, through their conscious choices and actions, imagine and change these social relations and promote their transformation. This way, we can better understand "Black and White," achieving more understanding and grasp of era transformation from realistic epic records, to some extent also deepening our understanding of our own circumstances.
Reading Notes on "Black and White"
Original Author: Tiandao - June 23, 2025, 12:30
I first began reading "Black and White" in early 2024 upon a friend's recommendation, and discovered it to be a profoundly realistic work rich in philosophical depth.
"Black and White" chronicles the lives of several young people born in the 1960s and 70s, following their coming-of-age journey from the 1980s through the early years of the new millennium. It weaves together their friendships, romantic relationships, and the tumultuous trajectories of their lives amid the currents of historical change. Their personal journeys reflect the history of China's reform and opening-up from the 1980s to the present, extending back to encompass a century of Chinese revolutionary history from the early 1900s.
Through narrating the destinies of central characters like Gu Zheng, Wang Sheng, Du Wei, and Ba Dong, along with the intricate web of social relationships that emerge from their stories, "Black and White" assembles a cast of representative figures from all social strata—from high-ranking officials and business elites to the impoverished masses at society's bottom. There is Wang Shengli, who considers the collective good; Tian Fang and Principal Yu Jiefang, who quietly dedicate themselves to rural education; second-generation revolutionaries and officials' children; business elites, and many others. This novel focuses on major events in a century of Chinese history, particularly the reform era. In the tide of reform, some people gradually drift from their original intentions, embarking on paths of speculation and exploitation that oppress the people, while others, though influenced by the times, ultimately rediscover their original hearts and missions. The collective experiences of the novel's numerous characters construct the history of China from the New Democratic Revolution through the socialist period, especially the reform and opening-up era, sketching the social transformations and changes in people's hearts during this historical period. It stands as a weighty literary work.
From the perspective of character genealogy, the "people" in "Black and White" can be divided into three generations: old, middle-aged, and young. Luo Zheng, Wang Shengli, and the old principal represent the older generation; Wang Sheng, Gu Zheng, Tian Fang and others form the middle-aged generation; while Tian Jingjing, Zong Xiaoxiao and others represent the younger generation, together forming a complete "people's sequence." From a standpoint perspective, the characters in "Black and White" can also be categorized into three types: "those who struggle and fight for the people's interests," "those who are exploited and oppressed," and "those who exploit and oppress the people"—the first category includes those mentioned above. The petitioning masses of Phoenix Town, the laid-off workers from Donggang Group who engaged in "mass disturbances," and women like Lu Jia, Meng Fei, and Cheng Lei—these "insulted and injured" [note: reference to Dostoevsky's novel] women from society's bottom who are forced by circumstances to sell their songs and bodies—belong to the second category. Standing as the opposition to the "people" are Song Qiankun, Wu Bozhong, Du Wei, Hong Taixing, and the father-son pair Ba Guangming and Ba Dong, representing privileged interest groups and corrupt dark forces—these form the third category.
Against a broad and complex social backdrop, "Black and White" exposes and criticizes the dark and corrupt forces represented by Wu Bozhong and Du Wei, as well as the privileged groups and foreign comprador capitalists like Song Qiankun, Lang Tao, and Hong Taixing. Evil and justice, black and white, beauty and ugliness, good and evil interweave to stage scene after scene of thrilling, thought-provoking human dramas, creating what can be called a contemporary Chinese social panorama.
In class society, every person lives within a certain class, and their thoughts and consciousness are inevitably marked by class characteristics. Many contemporary propaganda works, literature, and film and television productions express the view that common people are often portrayed as ignorant, petty, and mercenary, while the bourgeoisie appears upright and far-sighted, engaging in charity and donating money and goods to impoverished areas, creating an image of capitalists full of love and compassion who help the poor get rich. But much of this is merely the surface benevolence of capitalists. We must not forget that the capitalist's goal is to pursue surplus value. In recent years, companies like Pangdonglai [note: a Chinese retail chain known for employee welfare] that fight for more benefits and interests for their employees have instead been pushed into the spotlight and criticized by many capitalists, because capitalists believe such behavior is detrimental to their extraction of surplus value.
In "Black and White," mainstream society's image perceptions undergo a reorganization. The novel's portrayal of reformers and grassroots masses differs greatly from mainstream social perceptions. The reformers in "Black and White" continuously seek private gain during the reform process, gradually moving toward opposition to the people. The "enlightened" old cadre Song Qiankun, while boldly carrying out reforms, forms cliques for personal gain and abuses power for private interests, converting elementary school buildings into residences for old cadres and using fiscal allocations to build luxurious villas for high-ranking officials. The "young reformer" Du Wei, born to vegetable farmers at society's bottom, crosses over from the ranks of working people by flattering leaders and currying favor with the powerful. To achieve his goals, he stops at nothing, collaborating with Wu Bozhong in corrupt activities on Phoenix Island, engaging in collusion between officials and merchants, manipulating court proceedings to send Wang Sheng to prison. He is profit-driven, sycophantic, ambitious, and unscrupulous, making "getting ahead" his sole life creed. Such people have been commonplace in Chinese society since the 1980s and 90s. Hong Taixing, a "second-generation revolutionary" and descendant of revolutionaries who participated in the revolution in his youth and made outstanding contributions, leveraged his identity and social circles to amass vast resources after leaving the military and returning to his hometown. He sought benefits for himself by exploiting national policies to resell military supplies. Even after being dismissed from office, he continued to manipulate various aspects of society through his network of connections, becoming the omnipotent "Master Hong of Beijing." The reforms of these so-called "reformers" and trend-setters were nothing more than seeking benefits for the few under the banner of benefiting the majority. Du Wei, Wu Bozhong, Lang Tao, Song Qiankun, Hong Taixing, Ba Dong and others are undoubtedly the strong in this society. Each wears the halo of a reformer, getting whatever they want, acting with impunity, appearing invincible. While shouting about "cutting a bloody path forward," they use the power in their hands to appropriate wealth that originally belonged to all the people, becoming a vested interest class. Workers and farmers, who were once the masters, have been reduced to vulnerable groups, subjected to wanton humiliation and abuse, laid off, with welfare and security stripped away...
In contrast to these "reformers," the common people in "Black and White" are often upright and kind, possessing a spirit that refuses to bow to evil forces. Wang Shengli, a war hero and brick factory director, fought bravely during the revolutionary period, actively participated in socialist construction after liberation, and despite suffering injustices during the Cultural Revolution, never changed his loyalty to the revolution. Facing Ba Guangming's corruption, Wang Shengli persistently struggled against him, never being bought by Ba Guangming's threats and inducements. His son Wang Sheng, after a long psychological struggle, ultimately chose justice over interests when faced with the choice, fighting against the corrupt group of Du Wei and Wu Bozhong, gradually returning to the people's position. Teacher Tian Fang of Phoenix Island gave up her studies at the women's normal school so that Phoenix Island students could receive education, ultimately sacrificing her life while traveling to teach students on Sharp Point Island. When faced with Wang Sheng's case, Gu Zheng chose not to collude with her senior colleague Huang Zipeng, but instead provided defense for Wang Sheng in a case with virtually no chance of success. For ten years, Luo Zheng searched for the traitor responsible for the "Phoenix Island Bloodshed" that led to the sacrifice of over a hundred cadres and soldiers from the Dongjiang Provincial Committee leadership and military region general hospital, not hesitating to break with his old leader Song Qiankun, which cost him his career prospects, leaving him sidelined for years and even imprisoned. Facing the phenomenon of Nie Changhai and Wu Bozhong forcibly occupying Phoenix Island residents' land, Luo Zheng joined with the old principal of Phoenix Island and the island's people to struggle against Wu Bozhong. The old principal held fast to his post for decades, loving Tian Fang and Tian Jingjing like his own daughters, truly caring for and nurturing them. Every Qingming Festival [note: traditional Chinese tomb-sweeping day], he would go to Little Dragon Mountain to commemorate the sacrificed Dongjiang Provincial Committee leaders and over a hundred cadres from the military region general hospital. He was loyal to the collective and to socialism, and was still reading "The Communist Manifesto" on his deathbed. The common people in "Black and White" possess a strong fighting spirit; they are not ignorant empty shells who pin their fate on so-called "reformers." They bravely resist real injustices, becoming true masters of their own destiny.
From "Black and White," we can see a stark contrast in civil society before and after the 1980s. In Chairman Mao's era, most workers, farmers, and cadres loved labor, loved the collective, and loved socialism. They had ideals and vitality, were filled with the sense of justice and responsibility of being masters, and advocated serving the people—figures like Luo Zheng, who came from underground work; Wang Shengli, the brick factory director; Lu Shengping, the military factory director; and Gu Zhizhen, the engineer at Dongjiang Steel Factory. All these people were upright and hated evil like enemies. Yet these admirable and lovable figures experienced earth-shaking changes in their fates during the reform and opening-up era—they either became marginalized figures and vulnerable groups in society, or fell from positions as reformers to become embezzlers. Luo Zheng, because he reported superior leaders and petitioned for the masses, was treated as an incomprehensible madman. Wang Shengli, after retirement, persisted in struggling against the corrupt factory director Ba Guangming and ultimately died of depression. Gu Zhizhen, after retirement, originally lived a comfortable life, but the workers' factory protection movement at Donggang led to his son Gu Xiaole being imprisoned, his daughter-in-law divorcing, and his wife dying of anger and shock. Even more unfortunate than the older generation were the young people born and raised in the reform era. Wang Shengli's son Wang Sheng was taken to court and sentenced to three years in prison for reporting the fake qigong master Wu Bozhong. Lu Jia, a beauty who wanted to be a model, mistakenly entered the Chuyun Nightclub and became essentially a prostitute. Meng Fei was seduced by Wu Bozhong under the pretext of treating infertility and bore a daughter, An'an, bringing lifelong shame not only to Zong Tianyi but also to herself. Song Qiankun and Hong Taixing were both old revolutionaries and deeply hidden opportunists within the revolutionary ranks, bearing deep class marks. Such people are highly representative—they were speculators during the revolutionary era, capitalist-roaders in power during Mao's time, and became representatives of so-called open-minded old cadres during the reform and opening-up period. Historical development finally revealed their true nature as so-called "true at both ends" people [note: referring to those who adapt their political stance to benefit themselves]. After reform and opening-up, state enterprise reform, worker layoffs, and going into business sprang up like mushrooms after rain. The privileged class gained status and money, while the majority of working people were deprived of more and more benefits in this process. "Black and White" devotes considerable space to writing about the restructuring of Dongjiang Steel Company and Factory 8603. After restructuring, workers were laid off one by one, while cadres got rich first one by one. Due to declining efficiency, the only option was to sell everything off. The cadres enjoyed the benefits of restructuring, while the workers bore the "painful labor pains" of restructuring. The working class was scattered and broken apart, and A Mao and Gu Xiaole, who led the workers in "causing trouble," were also sentenced to prison. This confirmed Chairman Mao's words about "eating bitterness twice, suffering hardship twice," serving as a microcosm of the true fate of the proletariat in the reform and opening-up era.
Historical development is ultimately driven by countless working people together. Although the self-important privileged elites have gained vested interests, they will only become jumping clowns in the long river of history. Teacher Liu's people's stance makes him unwelcome in mainstream literary circles, and "Black and White" will not be accepted by mainstream literary circles either. But just like the novel's protagonists Wang Sheng and Gu Zheng, who still chose to uphold justice when faced with enormous interests and temptations, and remained unchanged in their original intentions to fight to the end even after paying the price for it, Teacher Liu has also made his choice through practical action, breaking with mainstream literary circles, adhering to the proletarian position, and continuing on the path that Wei Wei and Cao Zhenglu did not finish in the development of New Left literature.
Reading "Black and White" evokes heavy and complex emotions, because it depicts the real situation of the majority of working people in contemporary Chinese society—state enterprise restructuring, worker layoffs, self-employment—all too real. Former revolutionaries who once risked their lives to defend the country later became villains who sought benefits for themselves while exploiting and oppressing the common people—this is too heartbreaking.
Fortunately, at the novel's end, Tian Qingqing and Liang Tian appear. They represent a new force, representing that beam of starlight in the dark night and the torch on the wilderness. Though still weak, they will eventually welcome the moment when a single spark sets the prairie ablaze. The night is long, and the road is long too. But those walking at the forefront of the times should fear no wind, snow, or bitter cold, holding high the torch with their brave and upright strength to illuminate the path forward for the proletariat. "Black and White" sends forth precisely this kind of voice—though lonely, it is enough to make the hearts of people in difficult circumstances surge with excitement. Proletarian literature has been terminated and forgotten for too long, but revolution never dies. In the hundred-year cycle, in the startling repetition of history, it will surely welcome resurrection and rebirth, once again taking up the historical mission of awakening and inspiring the proletariat to seek their own liberation.
A Crusade Against the Corrupt Class
—Reading "Li Hong's Monologue" in Black and White
By Li Haixu, 2025
"Li Hong's Monologue" (Chapters 5 and 6 of Part 3, Volume 9 of Black and White) is a letter from the "goddess of vengeance" Li Hong to her good friend Gu Zheng. After reading it, one feels a stirring, heartrending sensation. The character's experiences and the theme of transformation run throughout, revealing the fighting spirit within human nature and the profound influence of social environment on individual destiny. It merits detailed analysis.
Marxism consistently emphasizes class struggle in society and the interaction between individual destiny and social environment. Without a corrupt social environment, revolutionary sparks cannot be born. Starting from social reality, we must first expose the bourgeoisie's behavior of constructing and stabilizing society through abstract concepts like "love" and "harmony." Individual development cannot be separated from social community, yet not all communities are conducive to promoting individual development. False communities are social communities established by a certain class for its own class interests in societies where classes exist. Such communities are "not only illusory for the ruled class, but also new shackles."
In Black and White, Li Hong experiences tremendous misfortune. After going through the torrent of social struggle, her family is destroyed and she herself suffers greatly. Under these circumstances, Li Hong develops a strong desire for revenge, yearning to make those who harmed her pay the price. This revenger psychology reflects the anger and helplessness produced by individuals when oppressed in their social environment, and also hints at the significant impact of social class differentiation and interest conflicts on personal destiny.
What kind of people develop this psychology? Combined with capitalist social reality, proletarians engage in high-pressure labor in factories every day, being expelled from the production system after exhausting their life vitality like machines—this comprehensively reflects the "making full use of things" in the capitalist production system. As the broad masses of people, regardless of what profession we currently pursue, have we ever imagined what kind of survival environment these workers' children and descendants face? As the most powerless broad proletariat, when their children desperately struggle for survival and ultimately harvest despair, batch after batch stepping onto the path of struggle, bourgeois moralists jump out to condemn and stigmatize them as thugs. What a ridiculous phenomenon! "Today's society vigorously protects people's spacious mansions while letting the poor live in the small huts they build themselves. Aren't all the various benefits of society enjoyed by the strong and rich? Aren't all the high-paying positions occupied by them? Aren't all the tax reduction and exemption regulations made for them? Isn't the exercise of government power biased toward their interests? When high-level people default on debts or engage in other fraudulent behavior, aren't they guaranteed to be fine and go unpunished? They abuse people with violence and even send assassins to murder others; aren't all these evil deeds minimized, and after a few months, dropped completely without anyone even mentioning them? However, if their property is stolen, won't all the police in the city mobilize, and won't innocent suspects suffer? When they pass through a dangerous place, aren't they protected by a large group of people? If their carriage axle breaks, aren't there many people competing to help? If someone makes noise at their door, won't everyone fall silent as soon as they speak? If someone blocks their path, don't they all step aside with just a wave of their hand? If a cart driver doesn't yield the road, what happens? Their two-legged servants immediately give that driver a severe beating. In their convoy, even if someone dies from exhaustion, no one is allowed to lag behind. All these benefits cost them not a penny; these are the rich's privileges, not needing to be exchanged for with wealth. How different is the poor's situation! The more society should show humanitarian concern for the poor, the more it ignores them, closing doors to them everywhere; even when they have the right to demand doors be opened, people don't open them, keeping them outside. Although they sometimes receive fair treatment, they expend more effort than the rich do to receive preferential treatment. Isn't this the current state of a class-based society?" (from Political Economy)
When the masses raise the revolutionary red flag, do the well-fed, pot-bellied vested interests who reap without sowing ever repent their actions? From this perspective, Li Hong's is not ordinary revenge, but a crusade against the corrupt class. Revolutionaries conduct this vengeful crusade from the people's standpoint. What revolutionary vanguards seek to collect is debt—the bloody facts of exploitation covered up by capitalists' sweet lies, shackle-like systems, and opinion blockades.
In this chapter of "Li Hong's Monologue," the antagonist Wu Bozhong, as one of the representatives of society's upper class, uses power and wealth to seek private gain for himself. Wu's behavior embodies the typical corruption phenomena that appear in capitalist society. His existence undoubtedly enriches Li Hong's character development and proves the collusive and sordid behavior of the privileged class. From a Marxist perspective, there exists irreconcilable interest conflict between the privileged class represented by Wu and the class represented by Li Hong—those framed by the privileged class. This conflict directly affects the characters' destinies and choices.
As a reader identifying with Li Hong's character, I deeply empathize with her. Facing family breakdown in loss and despair, "I" would similarly be willing to embark on the path of revenge, finding the value of existence in social struggle. Hatred doesn't arise from nothing; only by severing the social roots that produce hatred—that is, establishing a classless new world—is the only way out for the masses to equally enjoy happiness. The novel's portrayal of antagonists like Wu Bozhong also helps those of us from ordinary backgrounds recognize vested interests' behavior and the necessity of struggle.
Through Li Hong's monologue, we can see that Black and White employs Marxism's profound insight into social class struggle and individual destiny, rich and diverse character personality descriptions and the background stories behind their creation and interactions between characters, demonstrating historical materialism's methodology for understanding society, reminding us to pay attention to social class differentiation and interest conflicts, calling for the pursuit of social fairness and justice.
In this chapter, we can see that characters' psychology and behavior are constrained by social environment, and the conflicts and contradictions between them also inject new momentum for society's progress and development, showing us that only by truly standing with the people can we avoid being tainted by bourgeois interests, see all of society's ills clearly, and march forward with firm steps on the road of continuing revolution.
Black and White is a Treasure Trove
By Nong Jiafan, January 2025
Black and White is a treasure trove from which too many things can be excavated.
First is its realism. I am merely an ordinary reader, at most a literature enthusiast, and I cannot articulate literary realism in theoretical terms. I rely on an ordinary reader's intuition, and I feel that Black and White truly grows honestly from reality, reflecting reality authentically and in its original flavor. Everywhere within it we can easily find shadows of reality. It doesn't sensationalize, doesn't beat around the bush or mystify things or put on airs, but honestly and forthrightly uses interconnected stories to depict reality. Teacher Liu, as an experienced writer, simply uses superb technique to artistically connect and process many stories that have occurred in reality.
I was born in the early 1970s, went to university in the early 1990s, and started working in the mid-1990s. My father's generation were educated youth who went from Beijing to the frontier [note: referring to the Cultural Revolution-era policy of sending urban youth to rural areas]. Through reading this book, I genuinely felt how society has transformed, how reality has shifted—that is, how we have journeyed to where we are. But the work itself transcends reality, elevated by its artistic recreation revealing historical truth. This truth was not clearly visible when we were muddling through it in a daze, or rather, most of us simply lacked the consciousness to see—we were caught up in phenomena, unable to leap beyond various appearances to grasp the essence of things. Such good stories help us achieve this. Precisely because it depicts reality too directly, its initial publication in mainland China encountered what Teacher Liu called being "left unresolved." They were afraid—afraid of the uncontrollable impact this direct confrontation and revelation might bring to their system. But I believe those who rejected it also had to acknowledge it as a masterpiece; they were simply afraid of its sharp edge, afraid this sharpness might harm their own real interests. Its widespread circulation and enthusiastic discussion among ordinary mainland readers within just one year after publication in Hong Kong also demonstrates that it truly struck the hearts of the masses.
Second is its idealism. My age makes me somewhat younger than Wang Sheng, one of the book's protagonists, but our growth experiences share structural similarities. That is, in our earliest years we received idealistic education, worshipping idealistic heroic figures. During our growth process, we experienced the era's transformation, and in this transformation, the values we formed early on suffered brutal, unreasonable negation. We had to endure a certain spiritual pain, just like Wang Sheng's struggle with his own name. His name change represents an ordinary person's compromise with reality. Heroes are precisely those who stand out from ordinary people refusing to compromise—Wang Shengli, Luo Zheng, the old principal, and the group they represent are the true heroes in reality. They didn't seem particularly outstanding in that era when idealism was soaring, but after the era's transformation, their persistence makes us sincerely admire them. Although the so-called endings of these heroic figures don't look like much to those who put profit first, precisely because of this, their greatness becomes even more apparent—this is true tragic heroism. Those who give them low evaluations on the level of real interests dare not think carefully, because once they do, they immediately appear petty. Therefore, the work establishes them as positive characters and courageously writes out their true endings, being both realistic and idealistic. When idealism faces a terrible reality, its countenance should indeed be tragic and heroic, but it still gives us strength—even greater strength.
Third is the work's combative nature. This combativeness is also embodied in the previous two points. The work's very publication is full of struggle. The work everywhere embodies struggle—struggle between people, struggle between person and self, struggle between different lines—actually, these struggles are the concretization and manifestation of class struggle. I won't cite examples, as everyone who has read the work can naturally find corresponding instances. Finally, I'll conclude my remarks with a short poem I wrote previously:
#Reading "Black and White"#
I struggle to polish my eyes bright
What I see
Is still a blurred scene
Yet in my heart
I feel
Some kind of true realm
I believe
Ideals can illuminate reality—otherwise
How could Black and White come to be
I also know
Ideals find it very hard to illuminate reality—otherwise
How could Black and White be written
In a world where black and white are unclear
The only meaning of our existence
Is struggle
Turncoats and Revolutionaries—A Character Analysis of
Song Qiankun and Luo Zheng in Black and White
Left Wheel, June 15,2025
Song Qiankun's original name was Huang He, the third young master of landlord Huang Yaozu. At fifteen, Huang He fell in love with his classmate Cui Ying, but his father Huang Yaozu stole her away, making Cui Ying his fifth concubine. Huang Yaozu held a position in the Military Statistics Bureau [the Kuomintang's intelligence agency] and was appointed as commander of the Chuzhou Anti-Communist United Militia, committing countless crimes against Red Army soldiers and the people of Peizhen. Under the guidance of his cousin Han Ying, Huang He joined the Red Army and later personally led an elimination team to kill his father Huang Yaozu. To completely break with his past, Huang He changed his name to Song Qiankun.
After graduating from Kangda [Anti-Japanese Military and Political University], Song Qiankun served as security staff officer to Zong Da, an important leader of the CCP Central Committee's East River Bureau, where he met Zong Da and his wife Anna. After Zong Da's disappearance, both Song Qiankun and Anna were investigated by the organization. Following the investigation, Song Qiankun joined his cousin-in-law Hong Hu's troops at the front lines, fighting desperately against the Japanese invaders, and later married Anna.
During the Liberation War, Song Qiankun was appointed leader of underground work in Dajiang, reuniting with his former subordinate Luo Zheng, who was responsible for the Dajiang liaison station. Neither could have imagined they would later become bitter enemies. Later, the underground committees of Dajiang and Dongjiang Province were exposed due to a traitor's betrayal, and both Song Qiankun and Luo Zheng were captured and imprisoned. They were later exchanged through two captured Kuomintang military officers by the Dongjiang Provincial Committee and Military Region. After their release, Luo Zheng learned that the provincial committee headquarters and military region general hospital at Niangzi Lake had been attacked by enemy forces, resulting in the sacrifice of his fiancée Bai Xue and over a hundred cadres, masses, and wounded soldiers.
At the graves of Bai Xue and other martyrs, Luo Zheng vowed to find the traitor who had betrayed them. Based on the clues Luo Zheng had gathered, Song Qiankun was highly suspect. During the "Three-Anti" and "Five-Anti" campaigns [注: "三反""五反"运动, early 1950s political campaigns], Luo Zheng sent a denunciation letter to central and provincial authorities, explicitly naming Song Qiankun as a suspected traitor and requesting organizational investigation. However, due to insufficient evidence, Song Qiankun was quickly restored to his original position, while Luo Zheng was viewed as an oddball and sat on the bench at the newspaper office for over ten years. During the Cultural Revolution, Luo Zheng again posted a big-character poster [注: 大字报] targeting Song Qiankun titled "Who Betrayed the Dajiang Underground Committee and the Martyrs in the 'Phoenix Island Massacre'?" Song Qiankun, originally labeled a "capitalist roader" , now had the additional hat of "traitor and spy," and was imprisoned. However, after Song Qiankun was "liberated," Luo Zheng again found himself on the bench, and after the fall of the "Gang of Four" , he was isolated for investigation as one of the "three types of people" [注: "三种人"], ultimately ending up in the same prison that had held both him and Song Qiankun before liberation.
Regarding whether Song Qiankun participated in the Military Statistics Bureau's kidnapping of Zong Da, or whether he betrayed the Dajiang underground committee and the martyrs of Phoenix Island, Teacher Liu Jiming does not clearly state this in the book. Characters within the novel like Wang Sheng, as well as readers outside the novel, seek to understand the truth. Song Qiankun indeed has many suspicious points: when serving as Zong Da's security staff officer, one or two guards were usually arranged when Zong Da took his evening walks by the river, but on the day of his disappearance, no guards were arranged. When leading the Dajiang underground committee, he emphasized active attacks in underground work that could easily lead to exposure. When Old Fish spoke with Luo Zheng about Song Qiankun, his tone was evasive. Among the underground committee leadership in Dajiang, only Song Qiankun knew about the provincial committee headquarters and military hospital hiding at Phoenix Island. The memoirs of Military Statistics Bureau agent Bai Shouhe also contain relevant content involving Song Qiankun's betrayal. All clues point to Song Qiankun.
Although Song Qiankun is highly suspect, there is no concrete evidence to prove he is the traitor Luo Zheng seeks. Luo Zheng's suspicions about Song Qiankun are merely speculation, and organizational investigations found no problems. Bai Shouhe's memoirs are only one-sided testimony and cannot serve as evidence from the perspective of "isolated evidence cannot establish truth."
Does this mean Song Qiankun is a revolutionary loyal to the cause but misunderstood and persecuted by others? The answer is naturally no. Teacher Liu Jiming's refusal to clearly indicate whether Song Qiankun betrayed Zong Da or the organization serves a purpose: on one hand, it leaves room for readers' imagination and analysis; on the other hand, whether Song Qiankun betrayed the organization is no longer important, because regardless of whether he betrayed anyone, his various behaviors have already proven he is not a true Communist, but a genuine turncoat—an opportunist lurking within the revolutionary ranks!
Song Qiankun has a strong desire for promotion and wealth. After the founding of New China, Song Qiankun served as deputy director of the Provincial Party Committee's Propaganda Department, but he was dissatisfied with this position, often complaining and even blaming Anna. After becoming deputy director of the Youth Cadre Bureau of the Central Organization Department, Song Qiankun became energetic and set promotion goals, showing great ambition in officialdom. However, Luo Zheng's denunciation made Song Qiankun's promotion dreams evaporate. After the investigation ended and his position was affected, Song Qiankun again became dispirited. His grudge against Luo Zheng was thus formed, and he began to marginalize him. As a Communist Party member, Song Qiankun lacked communist ideals and consciousness of serving the people, focusing only on his own career advancement. Such people join the revolution not for faith, not for people's liberation, but merely to secure their own future. His marginalization of Luo Zheng reflects Song Qiankun's narrow-mindedness. Luo Zheng, as Song Qiankun's former subordinate, had no personal grudges with him and only reported Song Qiankun to discover the truth and comfort the revolutionary martyrs. Afterward, Song Qiankun marginalized Luo Zheng, making him sit on the bench for over ten years.
Song Qiankun and Anna divorced in the late 1950s. According to Anna's revelations, Song Qiankun's lifestyle was extremely corrupt—not only did he engage in improper relationships with women and seduce female nurses at sanatoriums, but he also instructed the Dongjiang Steel Factory to use special steel to custom-make bathtubs for several secretaries of the Provincial Party Committee Secretariat. During the Cultural Revolution, under the manipulation of Song Qiankun and others, the Dongjiang Provincial Cultural Revolution diverted the struggle's main direction, transforming criticism of capitalist roaders within the Party into struggle sessions against "landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists" [注: "地富反坏右"] and "destroying the Four Olds" [注: "破四旧"], inciting masses to fight masses, ultimately leading to the "July 20 Armed Struggle" [注: "7.20武斗"] that caused two workers' deaths. Under big-character posters from Anna and Luo Zheng, Song Qiankun was imprisoned. However, three years later, Song Qiankun was "liberated" and began retaliating against Anna and Luo Zheng. Anna was labeled a "British spy" and imprisoned, while Luo Zheng was dismissed from his position and also imprisoned after the fall of the "Gang of Four."
During the reform and opening-up period, Song Qiankun, as an "open-minded" veteran cadre, boldly implemented reforms. During this time, Song Qiankun's corruption became even more severe. He used state financial allocations for old revolutionary base areas to build dozens of villas for veteran cadres by Dongjiang's South Lake, and forced a primary school to relocate from the lakeside. After Luo Zheng reported these matters, Song Qiankun's promotion path was again interrupted.
Unlike the opportunist Song Qiankun, Luo Zheng's actions never betrayed his identity as a Communist Party member. Like his comrade Wang Shengli, Luo Zheng remained loyal to the revolution throughout. After liberation, to find the traitor, he wrote a denunciation letter about Song Qiankun, but ultimately achieved nothing. During the Cultural Revolution, Luo Zheng again posted big-character posters targeting Song Qiankun, sending this capitalist roader to prison. Although Song Qiankun was later "liberated," Luo Zheng again suffered Song Qiankun's retaliation and was imprisoned after the fall of the "Gang of Four." Prison life did not make Luo Zheng give up—he later wrote another denunciation letter about Song Qiankun's construction of South Lake villas, again shattering Song Qiankun's promotion dreams.
Luo Zheng didn't only target Song Qiankun; facing various social injustices, he would stand up. When brick factory director Ba Guangming engaged in corrupt behavior, Wang Shengli and the workers wrote a joint letter seeking Luo Zheng's help. Luo Zheng forwarded it to relevant provincial committee leaders, ultimately resulting in Ba Guangming's dismissal. When the old principal of Phoenix Island led masses to petition, Luo Zheng always provided help—not only providing food and lodging but also helping them write and submit petitions and leading them in appeals. When Hei San [注: 黑三, literally "Black Three"] brought people to arrest the old principal and attempted to block Luo Zheng's group's petitioning activities, Luo Zheng stood up and was severely injured by Hei San. From his hospital bed, after learning about Wang Sheng's denunciation letter, Luo Zheng encouraged and supported Wang Sheng's actions, ultimately helping Wang Sheng resolve to struggle against Du Wei and Wu Bozhong.
Luo Zheng finally reached the end of his life, and even on his deathbed, he remained mindful of his fiancée Bai Xue, who had sacrificed her life due to a traitor's betrayal. Luo Zheng entrusted his People's Bookstore to Wang Sheng. As Luo Zheng's only legacy, this bookstore could be said to embody his entire life. This was where Luo Zheng was born, lived, and fought. By entrusting it to Wang Sheng, Luo Zheng was passing on a spirit—having struggled for revolution his entire life, he hoped Wang Sheng would inherit this fighting spirit and never yield to any evil forces. Wang Sheng did not disappoint Luo Zheng's expectations; in the end, facing Du Wei's threats and bribes, Wang Sheng ultimately chose to struggle to the end.
After Luo Zheng's death, Song Qiankun, accompanied by his housekeeper Xiao Wu, came to the People's Bookstore—the liaison point where he had participated in underground work in Dajiang. This was the starting point of decades of grievances between Song Qiankun and Luo Zheng, and Song Qiankun came here to settle things. At the bookstore entrance, Song Qiankun recalled past experiences with mixed joy and fear. Joy because Luo Zheng was dead and no one would pester Song Qiankun anymore; fear because although Luo Zheng was dead, the terror that his past pestering had brought Song Qiankun had not dissipated. Luo Zheng was like a ghost, haunting Song Qiankun both in life and death. Song Qiankun had previously been diagnosed with "high low-density lipoprotein" at the hospital, which for an elderly diabetic patient like him meant the constant danger of cerebral thrombosis and sudden death. Song Qiankun didn't enter the People's Bookstore but took a taxi home. On the way back, Song Qiankun died in the car with foam at his mouth, less than half a month after Luo Zheng's death.
The grievances between Song Qiankun and Luo Zheng constitute an important plot in Black and White, through which both characters' images gradually become vivid. During the New Democratic Revolution period, both men's actions appeared quite revolutionary. Song Qiankun righteously eliminated a relative, personally killing his father Huang Yaozu. Huang Yaozu had committed many crimes against the masses and revolutionary soldiers, so Song Qiankun's actions were ridding the people of a menace, showing extremely high revolutionary spirit. During the Anti-Japanese War, Song Qiankun followed General Hong Hu in bloody battles against Japanese invaders, achieving distinguished military service. During the Anti-Japanese War, Luo Zheng joined the CCP underground peripheral organization "Anti-Japanese Pioneer Youth Association" [注: "抗日先锋青年会"], later joined the New Fourth Army [注: 新四军], and during the Liberation War served as a CCP underground liaison officer in Dajiang. Even after being captured and facing severe torture, he never betrayed the revolution.
However, after liberation, Song Qiankun's revolutionary spirit gradually dissipated. He set promotion goals for himself, placing his ambitions on climbing the official ladder and getting rich. When dissatisfied with his position, Song Qiankun lacked motivation, complained about low rank, and blamed others for problems and responsibilities. When satisfied with his position, Song Qiankun was energetic and ambitious, seeking higher status and position for himself. Additionally, Song Qiankun's lifestyle gradually became corrupt. He grew distant from Anna, who demanded the cancellation of special supply privileges [注: 特供待遇], and even his old superior General Hong Hu often reminded him not to seek special privileges. But Song Qiankun continued on his own path, pursuing his career advancement. During the Cultural Revolution, Chairman Mao called for criticism of capitalist roaders within the Party to defend China's socialist cause. Undoubtedly, Song Qiankun's actions exemplified what Chairman Mao called capitalist roaders. To protect his official position, Song Qiankun manipulated the Cultural Revolution movement in Dongjiang Province, diverting the struggle's main direction, transforming criticism of capitalist roaders within the Party into criticism of "landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists" and "destroying the Four Olds," inciting masses to fight masses and ultimately causing mass casualties. After reform and opening-up, Song Qiankun went even further down the capitalist road, with corruption becoming increasingly severe.
Luo Zheng was exactly the opposite. After liberation, he was not confused by sugar-coated bullets but diligently performed his duties. Luo Zheng did not forget his promise at the martyrs' cemetery to find the traitor who betrayed them. To discover the truth, Luo Zheng was willing to break with his old superior Song Qiankun, sending a denunciation letter about Song Qiankun to relevant departments during the "Three-Anti" and "Five-Anti" campaigns. Not only did this achieve nothing, but he also suffered Song Qiankun's retaliation, making Luo Zheng sit on the bench at the newspaper office for over ten years. However, Luo Zheng did not give up. At the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, he posted big-character posters targeting Song Qiankun. After Song Qiankun was "liberated," Luo Zheng again suffered his retaliation. In the process of reporting Song Qiankun, Luo Zheng gained no benefits; instead, he constantly hit walls and endured others' strange looks. Facing oppressed masses, Luo Zheng provided various help, leading them in petitions and even being injured and hospitalized as a result. Luo Zheng's participation in revolution brought him no benefits; instead, he suffered unfair treatment, but Luo Zheng never betrayed the revolution because of this. Luo Zheng participated in revolution without calculating personal gains and losses, instead putting proletarian interests first. For this, Luo Zheng dared challenge authority—he was willing to offend his old superior Song Qiankun and showed no fear of local strongmen like Wu Bozhong who had protective umbrellas. In Luo Zheng, we see the true colors of a Communist Party member, something that opportunists like Song Qiankun could never possess.
We can see that people like Song Qiankun had ulterior motives when they originally joined the revolution. Although Song Qiankun righteously eliminated his relative by killing his father Huang Yaozu, we later discover that Song Qiankun's initial actions were merely revenge for his father stealing his beloved. In Song Qiankun's later years, he participated in the unveiling ceremony for the renovation of the Huang family ancestral hall in his hometown of Peizhen. In the ancestral hall dedicated to ancestors, he saw his father Huang Yaozu's memorial tablet prominently displayed, generating a strong sense of guilt. Song Qiankun's guilt toward his father Huang Yaozu completely exposed his true nature—his initial actions were no longer righteous elimination of a relative. He didn't kill Huang Yaozu because of his father's reactionary and brutal nature, but merely due to personal grievances. If Song Qiankun truly opposed Huang Yaozu's actions, he shouldn't have felt guilty. After liberation, Song Qiankun began pursuing fame, fortune, and status, calculating personal gains and losses, and dreaming of promotion and wealth. Such people's participation in revolution is opportunistic behavior—they bet on the revolutionary side, hoping to gain benefits for themselves after revolutionary success. They believe in "those who conquer the country should rule it," viewing revolution as simple dynastic change. People like Song Qiankun lack communist faith; they only believe "if one doesn't look out for oneself, heaven and earth will destroy them." Such people are parasites on the revolutionary cause, and their participation in revolutionary ranks causes great damage to the revolutionary cause.
People like Song Qiankun are not isolated cases; they are a group—what Chairman Mao called "capitalist roaders." They joined the Party during the New Democratic Revolution period, some for national liberation, others through opportunistic behavior, hoping to gain more benefits for themselves later. During the New Democratic Revolution period, they might still identify with the Party's program and struggle for the New Democratic Revolution. After liberation, when our country began socialist construction, they were no longer willing to continue revolution, failing to recognize the change in revolutionary nature and believing the revolution had succeeded—that having conquered the country, they should now rule it. During the cooperativization period, they were like "women with bound feet" [注: 小脚女人], unable to take big steps, believing cooperativization was "premature" and wanting to "establish New Democratic social order."
Influenced by the "Hungarian Incident" and "Polish Incident" [1956 uprisings], combined with continuous accumulation of domestic social contradictions, many Party cadres developed bureaucratic and subjective styles. Chairman Mao decided to launch the "Rectification" movement , mobilizing mass movements to offer opinions to the Party, overcome the constantly growing bureaucratic style within the Party, and better conduct socialist construction. Because this touched upon the interests of bureaucratic groups within the Party, they strongly opposed the "Rectification" movement. To better maintain their rule, Party bureaucrats exaggerated the attacks on the Party by a few rightists during the "Rectification" movement, infinitely magnifying rightist attacks to conclude that "if rectification continues, the Party will be ruined," opposing Chairman Mao's view that "if rectification doesn't continue, the Party will be ruined." Under the planning of Party bureaucrats, the "Rectification" movement evolved into the "Anti-Rightist" movement [注: 反右运动]. Chairman Mao believed there were only a few thousand rightist elements domestically and wanted to quickly end the "Anti-Rightist" movement to continue "Rectification." However, Party bureaucrats would never miss this opportunity. Although most masses' opinions about the Party were well-intentioned, hoping to make the Party more perfect, Party bureaucrats couldn't tolerate any criticism from the masses. They used the "Anti-Rightist" movement to label a large number of people who dared offer opinions—but weren't rightists—as rightist elements, expanding the "Anti-Rightist" movement and catching 550,000 "rightists" nationwide. The "Anti-Rightist" movement reflected Party bureaucrats' resistance to mass supervision and mass movements—to defend their privileges, they would use every means available. The "Anti-Rightist" movement brought very adverse consequences, making many people afraid to tell the truth afterward, worried about being "lured out like snakes" and getting burned. The harm of not daring to tell the truth was exposed during the Great Leap Forward period through "exaggeration winds" and "communist winds" , producing serious consequences.
During the Great Leap Forward, Party bureaucrats, for their own achievements, exploited the masses' enthusiasm for building socialism, creating massive "communist winds" and "exaggeration winds." Although many cadres and masses knew actual grain production, influenced by the previous "Anti-Rightist" movement, they worried that telling the truth would label them as rightist elements, so they didn't voice opposition. Although Chairman Mao tried his best to correct these "leftist" tendencies during the Great Leap Forward, his efforts ultimately failed due to Peng Dehuai's problems at the Lushan Conference [注: 庐山会议]. The harm of bureaucrats' deception finally fully exposed itself under natural disasters, causing three years of economic difficulties in our country. Areas with severe "exaggeration winds" like Henan even suffered the "Xinyang Incident" [注: 信阳事件], causing massive deaths. Party bureaucrats' corrupt behavior had already brought serious damage to our country's socialist construction.
In the struggle between two lines within the Party, Chairman Mao gradually realized the existence of a potential bourgeoisie within the Party. Chairman Mao initially called them the "bureaucratic class." In 1965, he said: "Bureaucrats and the working class and poor and lower-middle peasants are two sharply opposing classes. These people have become or are becoming bourgeois elements who suck workers' blood—how could they understand? These people are targets of struggle, targets of revolution; the Socialist Education Movement cannot rely on them. We can only rely on those cadres who have no hatred toward workers and have revolutionary spirit." Later, Chairman Mao replaced the term "bureaucratic class" with the more precise name "capitalist roaders." Capitalist roaders are those in power within the Party who take the capitalist road—they defend bureaucratic privileges, oppose mass supervision, and attempt to use capitalist methods to solve problems in socialist construction. After the "Four Cleanups Movement" [注: 四清运动], Chairman Mao increasingly realized the harm of capitalist roaders within the Party. He said: "After the democratic revolution, workers and poor and lower-middle peasants didn't stop—they want to continue revolution. But some Party members don't want to advance anymore; some have retreated and oppose revolution. Why? They've become big officials and want to protect big officials' interests. They have good houses, cars, high salaries, and servants—even more powerful than capitalists. When socialist revolution reaches their own heads, some within the Party opposed cooperativization and resented criticism of bourgeois legal rights. In conducting socialist revolution, not knowing where the bourgeoisie is—it's within the Communist Party, the capitalist roaders in power within the Party. Capitalist roaders are still taking the capitalist road." In Chairman Mao's view, compared to rightist elements and former old landlords and old bourgeoisie, capitalist roaders in power within the Party were the most fundamental force for capitalist restoration. For this reason, Chairman Mao launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in his later years, attempting to use mass movements to solve the problem of capitalist roaders within the Party.
During the Cultural Revolution, the position of capitalist roaders within the Party was shaken. To defend their privileges, they diverted the struggle's main direction, turning mass movements into movements against masses, transforming criticism of capitalist roaders within the Party into criticism of "landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists," causing great damage to the Cultural Revolution movement. Chairman Mao adopted the method of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, treating illness to save lives" toward defeated capitalist roaders within the Party, hoping they could transform from conscious or unconscious capitalist roaders. However, most capitalist roaders didn't change their original positions after being defeated but became more determined to defend their privileged positions. With the Cultural Revolution's failure and the implementation of reform and opening-up, potential bourgeois elements within the Party became the genuine bourgeoisie, and taking the capitalist road became reality.
Song Qiankun is a very typical image of a capitalist roader, making him the character I most hate in Black and White. There are many villains in Black and White, and their actions seem more despicable and shameless than Song Qiankun's. The charlatan Wu Bozhong uses medical practice as a pretext to toy with women and forcibly occupies residents' land by building Wu Ancestral Hall on Phoenix Island. His son Du Wei inherits his father's life philosophy, acts unscrupulously with ruthless methods, and together with Wu Bozhong turns Phoenix Island into a corrupt den of official-business collusion, sending Wang Sheng, who reported them, to prison. Lang Tao, a returnee overseas doctor who abandoned literature for politics, gradually becomes corrupt in officialdom and becomes an important supporter of Phoenix Island's corrupt den, along with characters like the Qian Gang father and son, Judge Niu Zhi, lawyer Huang Zipeng, Tang Fei, and others. But the reason these people can dominate society and cover the sky with one hand is precisely because people like Song Qiankun provide the soil for their survival and development. It is because of the actions of Song Qiankuns that capitalist restoration occurred. For their own privileged interests, they sacrificed the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of people. Capitalist restoration made the Song Qiankuns the biggest beneficiaries and caused the emergence of Du Weis in society.
Teacher Liu Jiming evaluates Song Qiankun this way: "Song Qiankun is both an old revolutionary and actually a deep-hidden opportunist within revolutionary ranks, bearing deep class marks. Such people are extremely representative—they were speculators during revolutionary years, capitalist roaders in power during Mao's era, and became representatives of so-called open-minded veteran cadres during reform and opening-up. Historical development finally restored their true nature—so-called 'genuine at both ends' people. Such people in revolutionary ranks are as numerous as fish crossing the river..." Song Qiankun killed his biological father Huang Yaozu and fought bravely during the New Democratic Revolution period, making contributions to the revolution. But in Song Qiankun's eyes, these contributions were chips for his promotion and wealth-seeking. Although Song Qiankun participated in revolution, he never truly accepted communism ideologically and never transformed into a proletarian fighter, still bearing bourgeois marks. Therefore, he was extremely resistant to socialist construction, and his true nature was released after reform and opening-up, restoring his original face. The Song Qiankuns in revolutionary ranks ultimately buried the revolutionary cause—even the strongest fortress cannot resist enemies from within. The Song Qiankuns usurped leadership and discourse power of revolutionary ranks, molding themselves as leaders of the times and defenders of revolutionary cause, while labeling loyal revolutionaries like Luo Zheng as "ultra-leftists." Party membership is not the standard for determining whether someone is a revolutionary—some people organizationally joined the Party but lack communist faith ideologically; some are not Communist Party members but are true Communists in thought and action. Although Song Qiankun is a so-called open-minded veteran cadre within the Party, his actions have fundamentally betrayed the most basic original intention of true Communists. Although Luo Zheng was expelled from the Party, his actions truly embody the true colors of a Communist Party member—he is worthy of being called a genuine revolutionary. The development of the times has exposed the true face of the Song Qiankuns, and the great winds of the times will eventually sweep the Song Qiankuns into history's grave.
How Revolutionaries Are Forged
How Revolutionaries Are Forged
- approaching it from an existentialist perspective
- approaching it from an existentialist perspective
By Xiao Bi, May 9, 2025, 04:48 AM
To sing and weep for the people, to bear witness to the era. This is why "Black & White" is called a red literary classic: because it firmly stands on the side of the working people, because it upholds the dignity of real people, and because it exposes the distorted, one-sided, corrupt darkness of the ruling class. From this perspective, "Black & White" is rooted in the joys and sorrows of real people and provides an honest record for the Chinese people. As a realist work written for the working people, "Black & White" is a profound summary of the historical encounters of the working people since the reform and opening-up, and even more, it is a testimony for future generations of history.
The historical span of "Black & White" is considerably large, stretching from the New Democratic Revolution down to the 21st century, with its脉络 (main thread) tightly revolving around the issue of proletarian revolution versus bourgeois restoration in New China. By grasping "Black & White" macroscopically through this lens, we arrive at a set of binary oppositions: the revolutionary versus the restorer. Revolutionaries are represented by characters such as Wang Sheng, Gu Zheng, Luo Zheng, the Old Principal, and Cheng Guojun, while restorers are represented by figures like Master Wu, Du Wei, Song Qiankun, Lang Tao, and Hong Taihang.
However, merely mechanically delving into this binary opposition prevents the discovery of the classic's intrinsic ideological essence. One must approach it from an existentialist perspective to truly uncover the ideological value of "Black & White." What is a revolutionary? A revolutionary is not someone whose essence is inherent at birth; a revolutionary becomes a revolutionary through revolutionary struggle. This understanding—that existence precedes essence—is precisely what the resolute revolutionaries in "Black & White" put into practice through their courageous struggles.
II.
II.
Wang Sheng should arguably be a character many can relate to. Wang Sheng's father, Wang Shengli, was a steadfast revolutionary soldier who followed Chairman Mao. He named his son "Wang Cheng," after a volunteer soldier in the film "Heroic Sons and Daughters." Wang Cheng (Wang Sheng) was born with the external symbolic imprint of the revolutionary era placed upon him by his father. For Wang Cheng (Wang Sheng) at this time, this revolutionary symbol was not his inherent essence but an external imposition. This external imposition was not something Wang Cheng identified with from the heart; instead, it troubled him and made him feel isolated. This distress ultimately prompted Wang Cheng to change his name.
No one is born a revolutionary; even if both parents are revolutionaries, this revolutionary spirit does not pass on to the next generation through genes. Wang Sheng's name change exemplifies this. The name "Wang Cheng," as an external symbol, did not truly transform Wang Cheng into a revolutionary, but rather planted a seed of revolution deep within Wang Sheng's heart. This seed finally broke through the soil after Wang Sheng experienced real-world changes, including being betrayed by Du Wei, joining the Mass Art and Media Group, and receiving a letter from Zong Tianyi. This is about confronting reality: Should he help Zong Tianyi expose the darkness, or should he let his friend die in injustice for the sake of immediate glory and wealth?
When Wang Sheng resolutely broke away from the immediate glory and wealth, from the isolation and cold stares of his colleagues, and from Du Wei's threats and temptations, Wang Sheng won his revolutionary existence. Wang Sheng did not become a revolutionary because of his birth name "Wang Cheng" or his father's tireless indoctrination; rather, Wang Sheng actively chose to become a revolutionary who broke with the dark reality. Sartre emphasized: "Man is free, man is freedom." Wang Sheng is also free; Wang Sheng is free enough to choose a complete break, to not yield to any threats from Du Wei and the corrupt officials colluding with him. He is even freer in that he could have completely chosen to turn a blind eye to the truth and preserve his own glory and wealth. In this freedom, Wang Sheng chose the most resolute break. This break symbolizes that Wang Sheng has internalized the revolutionary spirit as his very purpose. At this point, Wang Sheng truly understood his father and truly became the "Wang Cheng" his father had hoped for.
Existentialism has a classic proposition: existence precedes essence. Wang Sheng's courageous existence created his revolutionary essence. This realization of revolutionary form and revolutionary symbol within Wang Sheng truly shaped the image of Wang Sheng as a revolutionary who has been thoroughly tested and ultimately courageously taken up the revolutionary banner. Wang Sheng's experience is the victory of dialectics won by real people.
Wang Sheng is a microcosm of the Chinese people. From the beginning, Wang Sheng was externally defined by a revolutionary symbol. Wang Sheng was dissatisfied with this and longed to break free from this external definition. However, after experiencing real-world struggles, Wang Sheng finally decided to exist as a revolutionary, a breaker. And this existence ultimately led Wang Sheng to internalize the once external and resisted revolutionary symbol into his own practice. This is a microcosm of a potential revolutionary's journey in real life, stepping onto the revolutionary path step by step, and finally growing into a true revolutionary.
If the trials of Wang Sheng ultimately forged him into a true revolutionary, then this forging is also reflected in the female protagonist, Gu Zheng. At the lowest point of "Black & White," Gu Zheng bravely stood up and broke with the entire legal system, including her teachers, seniors, and various resources. This break also symbolizes Gu Zheng winning her own revolutionary existence.
How exactly does an ordinary person become a revolutionary? Becoming a revolutionary is not something that happens in an instant burst of passion. Through his profound insight into the dialectical relationship between social change and individual self-development, Elder Liu in "Black & White" offers his perspective: People are not born revolutionaries; they become revolutionaries through the tempering of real-world struggle, by the courage of a leap of faith and an uncompromising break.
III.
III.
Besides characters like Wang Sheng and Gu Zheng, who gradually grew into revolutionaries, another group of equally revolutionary figures also deeply moved us. These are the "old revolutionaries" represented by the Old Principal, Luo Zheng, and Wang Shengli.
If Wang Sheng represents the confused young people who gradually grow into revolutionaries, then the Old Principal demonstrates how truly steadfast revolutionaries adhere to their revolutionary existence under repeated suppression from restorers and counter-revolutionaries.
The Old Principal was a firsthand participant in China's New Democratic Revolution; his entire family died under the guns of the "returning landlords' corps." Unlike Wang Sheng, who was born in an era of ideological confusion and a lack of socialist education, the Old Principal grew up in the socialist New China led by Chairman Mao. The nurture of the people's government and socialist education ensured that the Old Principal was a resolute communist from his first appearance in "Black & White." And this communist belief supported the Old Principal in his resolute struggle against various restorers and restoration forces after the reform and opening up.
The Old Principal was the headmaster of the only elementary school on Phoenix Island. Nie Changhai, the island's Party Secretary, was the Old Principal's most cherished student. However, after Nie Changhai degenerated and betrayed socialist ideals, the Old Principal slowly broke with him. As Phoenix Island was gradually developed into a tourist island, the Old Principal continuously led villagers in resisting corrupt officials. And after the Phoenix Islanders were finally relocated, the Old Principal resolutely stayed on the island to guard the Martyrs' Cemetery: the Old Principal practiced his communist beliefs through his idealistic resistance.
But "Black & White" is not a feel-good novel; it is a profound realist work. The Old Principal's desperate struggle only more heavily portrays the cold reality of revolutionaries being cruelly suppressed by reactionaries—the Old Principal's idealism was crushed under the most realistic wheels of counter-revolution. In the dual material and spiritual counter-attack of the restoration forces, the Old Principal died alone in his old house on Phoenix Island. At the time of his death, an open copy of "The Communist Manifesto" lay on his desk...
This is not a romantic end for a hero; this is a living, most real, cruel reality. This is the reality of a true communist maintaining his revolutionary existence with unwavering faith. For the steadfast ideal in his heart, he would not hesitate to give his life. This is our Old Principal. In the arduous struggle against restorers and capitalist-roaders, the Old Principal burned out the last flame of his life. When I read about the death of the dearest Old Principal, I buried my head and wept bitterly. Now, as I write this, tears are already streaming down my face.
"With stern brows, I face a thousand pointing fingers; bowing my head, I am willing to be an ox for the children." This is a true portrayal of the Old Principal's life. The Old Principal is a source of profound emotion belonging solely to the working people. Such emotion is similarly demonstrated in Wang Shengli, the old director of the brick and tile factory, who repented for not fulfilling Chairman Mao's task, and in Luo Zheng, the old underground revolutionary who persisted in reporting the powerful revolutionary traitor and capitalist-roader, Song Qiankun. When the overwhelming pressure from the capitalist-roaders' demons and monsters descended, it was they who straightened their communist spines; it was they who upheld the heroic true colors of the revolutionary martyrs.
IV.
IV.
While Wang Sheng was transformed into a revolutionary through real-world struggles, Du Wei and Ba Dong, who were the same age as Wang Sheng, were carried along by historical currents and degenerated into vanguards of bourgeois restoration. While revolutionaries like the Old Principal, Luo Zheng, and Cheng Guojun suffered real persecution and oppression but still adhered to the glory of communism, old revolutionaries like Song Qiankun and Hong Hu slowly relaxed and eventually moved to the opposite side of the revolution. This shows that human beings have no fixed essence; everything about a person is a free choice. This is precisely the maxim of the Marxist existentialist Sartre: "Man is the result of his own actions, and nothing else."
Revolutionaries are not born revolutionaries; they realize themselves as revolutionaries through revolutionary struggle. The same applies to capitalist-roaders and restorers. In "Black & White," Wang Sheng, Gu Zheng, the Old Principal, Wang Shengli, Luo Zheng... these admirable revolutionary characters truly practiced themselves into steadfast revolutionaries through the mediating process of dialectical human development. This is not a simple, formal logical "feel-good" text, but a profound understanding of the dialectical laws of human development.
"Black & White" is precisely built on the essence of this dialectical method. "Black & White" thus sublates the long-standing dominance of formal logic that permeated the realm of Chinese "scar literature," genuinely achieving a return to the essence of humanity and to the Marxist view of people's literature in the book. "Black & White" truly stands on the historical height commanded by dialectics. Its inherent reflections on the changes in social structure (see the author's article "Class Restoration in Black & White") and the return to human essence ensure that "Black & White" realizes a brilliant practical understanding of human wisdom and human essence. From this perspective, "Black & White" is truly worthy of the honor of being a "red literary classic."
Class Restoration in "Black & White"
Class Restoration in "Black & White"
Viewing from Western Marxism points
By Xiao Bi
To sing and weep for the people, to bear witness to the era. Only after truly finishing "Black & White" did I grasp the meaning of these simple characters.
There are two major currents in Western Marxism: one is Phenomenological Existential Marxism, and the other is Semiotic Structuralist Marxism. In "Black & White," the characters representing the proletariat—Wang Sheng, Gu Zheng, Luo Zheng, Cheng Guojun, Old Principal, and others—embody the roles of existentialists in the tide of capitalist restoration and the working people being subjected to counter-attacks. They fight for an authentic life against a powerful structure; this is the existentialism in "Black & White."
Conversely, the characters representing the capitalist-roaders—such as Du Wei, Wu Bozhong, Lang Tao, Song Qiankun, Song Xiaofan, Ba Dong, and others—are the subjects revealed by structuralist Marxist critique. For example, the structure of the Du Wei-Wu Bozhong-Lang Tao trio in the capitalist restoration of Dongjiang, the structure between Ba Dong and Hong Taihang in the nationwide capitalist restoration, and the structure between Zong Da, Bai Shouhe, and Song Qiankun in the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution—all reveal the capitalist restoration from a structuralist social critical perspective. That is, the capitalist restoration first destroys the structure of our proletarian society, and then carries out restoration by forging its own structure. In "Black & White," this is embodied in Du Wei and Lang Tao's establishment of the Phoenix Island Entertainment Center and Hong Taihang's creation of the Beijing circle.
Wu Bozhong is a very typical image of a charlatan. He fully utilized the ideological trend of various feudal and capitalist ideologies after the reform and opening up, packaging himself as a master of traditional culture, and sowing seeds everywhere through the prevalent feudal concept of carrying on the family line. This involves a metaphor: Wu Bozhong sowing seeds everywhere actually metaphorically represents the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist ideologies spreading and blooming everywhere.
In terms of feudalism, capitalism, and revisionism, Wu Bozhong represents the feudal element. He created "Yuanji Gong," a mystical, pragmatic practice cloaked in traditional culture, becoming a cultural symbol. The cultural symbols created by Wu Bozhong are, in fact, the sayable parts of the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist ideological restoration. This means that on Phoenix Island, the capitalist restoration activities undertaken by Du Wei and Lang Tao were all conducted under the guise of "Yuanji Gong traditional culture." In other words, Yuanji Gong serves as a series of "sayable" symbols of debauchery on Phoenix Island, the glorious facade for Du Wei and Lang Tao's capitalist restoration.
The character Lang Tao is interesting. Lang Tao is a returned scholar with a doctorate, having studied Heidegger's existential philosophy in Germany. Heidegger in "Being and Time" ultimately arrives at the opposition between authenticity and inauthenticity. Authenticity faces death, while inauthenticity sinks into the world of the common man. Which choice did Lang Tao himself make? Lang Tao's own choice was to sink. As a Communist Party cadre obligated to the people, he nevertheless succumbed to the common people around him, such as his parents who arranged his marriage, and Du Wei who engaged in conspiracies. This shows that although he studied Heideggerianism, Heidegger merely served as a packaging for his dark, sunken inner self.
In terms of feudalism, capitalism, and revisionism, Lang Tao represents revisionism. He is a Communist Party member and cadre, yet not a Marxist. In practice, he conspired with Du Wei to create the Phoenix Island Entertainment Center, a dark and heavy base for capitalist restoration. Lang Tao wields power, holding a position of authority, and he constantly gives Du Wei the green light. Such cadres, who have completely lost the ideals and beliefs of a Communist, are the embodiment of revisionism.
The characters Wu Bozhong and Lang Tao, within the structure of capitalist restoration in Dongjiang, are both external forms, parts of the structure, but they do not fill the content of this grand restoration drama. Wu Bozhong is the "feudal" element, Lang Tao is the "revisionist" element, while the essence of the restoration is "capitalist" restoration.
Du Wei, a character whom the esteemed Elder Liu discussed in the afterword as "an utter 'bad guy'," is the center of the restoration structure in Dongjiang. Du Wei connects upwards with Song Qiankun, befriends Hong Taihang and Ba Dong in Beijing, has Wu Bozhong as his godfather (and biological father), maintains a long-term cooperative relationship with Lang Tao, and employs Li Hong (Xu Ke), who is adept at organizing the prostitution industry. One could say that Du Wei is the center of the relational structure of the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist restoration forces in this book.
Among the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces, Du Wei represents the capitalist element. As described by Elder Liu, Du Wei is an out-and-out villain who combines "profit-seeking, sycophancy, debauchery, ambition, unscrupulousness, and taking climbing to the top as his sole life creed." Du Wei's evil lies not only in presenting the form of evil, i.e., facilitating and organizing the restoration, but also in providing the content of evil. This content includes leading enterprises to go public and embark on the capitalist road, corrupting Party members and cadres, organizing prostitution, carving up state-owned property, and destroying martyrs' cemeteries. These actual evil deeds largely involved Du Wei. If Wu Bozhong represents the "sayable part" on Phoenix Island, then Du Wei represents the "unsayable part" of the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces in Dongjiang. This means that Wu Bozhong merely provided a form of restoration, a facade for restoration, while Du Wei genuinely provided the content of restoration, the essence of restoration, namely, the capitalist roaders coming to power, capitalist restoration, the suppression and persecution of the masses, and a small clique of feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces getting rich by betraying the working people.
Du Wei is the nexus of form and content for the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces in the entire "Black & White." Wu Bozhong's Yuanji Gong provides the external form of restoration, and Lang Tao provides the representation of restoration within the Party. Wu Bozhong provides the "sayable" formal structure, and Lang Tao provides the "unsayable" formal structure, and the combination of these two forms and contents is completed in Du Wei.
Du Wei represents "capital." This means that although feudal forces returned, they could not re-implement their content after Chairman Mao's death. The same applies to the revisionist forces represented by Lang Tao. These two forces collectively imposed their forms onto the bourgeois forces represented by Du Wei, thus finally achieving the combination of form and content in restoration, and specifically, the combination of the "sayable" part represented by Wu Bozhong and the "unsayable" part represented by Lang Tao.
This is the structure that exists within the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist power relations in Dongjiang. In return, Du Wei provides Lang Tao with the "political achievements" needed for promotion and wealth, provides prostitutes to his godfather Wu Bozhong, and provides vast sums of money to the entire restoration syndicate. Even minor characters like Zhang Xin and Yan Kui are benefiting handsomely.
Such a structure can also be seen in the Hong Taihang-Ba Dong forces in Beijing. Ba Dong is the head of the Hurricane Group. Ba Dong's position can be likened to Wu Bozhong in Dongjiang—a legitimate, even glorious, external, sayable form. Hong Taihang's power and connections, however, come from his father, Hong Hu. Hong Hu, in the Hong-Ba forces, occupies Lang Tao's position (although Hong Hu himself is intellectually superior to Lang Tao, his position allows his power to be seized by his son Hong Taihang), i.e., power and the unsayable part. At this point, Hong Taihang is at the nexus of form (Ba Dong and Hong Hu) and content, similar to Du Wei. Hong Hu's power and Ba Dong's reputation can only penetrate the content of restoration through Hong Taihang's position.
This implies that Wu Bozhong and Lang Tao for the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces in Dongjiang, and Hong Hu and Ba Dong for the feudal, capitalist, and revisionist forces in Beijing, are all external and formal. The true substance is the content represented by Hong Taihang and Du Wei. Hong Taihang organizes the Yanshan Forum, where figures like General Manager Ma and Zhang Wuchang are present, subtly hinting at the large number of capitalists who have risen since the market economy, specifically billionaire capitalists. Du Wei, on the other hand, is single-mindedly pursuing company listings and assisting Lang Tao in acquiring Donggang Steel, essentially acting as a capitalist. The villains presented in "Black & White," led by Hong Taihang and Du Wei, are essentially one and the same: bourgeois restoration!
"Black & White" reveals nothing less than the restoration of the bourgeoisie. What does it mean "to sing and weep for the people"? It means singing and weeping for the tragic fate of the people in such a restoration, a mournful song full of lament! Cheng Guojun, Luo Zheng, Gu Xiaole, and Wang Sheng are imprisoned; Li Hong, Cheng Lei, Meng Fei, and others are forced into prostitution; the workers' leader A Mao is shot for resisting foreign capitalists; Wang Shengli's meticulously managed brick and tile factory is stolen by capitalist-roaders. These are just the tragic songs of some named characters in "Black & White." Even more tragic are the laid-off workers, the women forced into prostitution, and countless other socialist builders from the Mao Zedong era who shone brightly but were then persecuted!
What does it mean "to bear witness to the era"? Look at "scar literature," look at another so-called "realist" bestseller "The Ordinary World"—they praise this restoration, bearing false witness to the era of restoration. Now, "Black & White" also comes forth to bear witness, to bear "true" witness to this era. This truth and falsehood are not the truth and falsehood of revisionist traitors, capitalists, or landlords, but the truth and falsehood of the people themselves, the truth and falsehood of an era in which the people have lived!
Finally, let us read this passage from Elder Liu's afterword to "Black & White":
"Balzac said that a novel is the secret history of a nation. I would rather say that a novel is the testimony of an era. A novelist is not only the compiler of a nation's secret history but also ought to be a witness to the era. An ideal novel should strive to reveal the reality obscured, distorted, and emasculated by various dominant and popular discourses. Regarding reality, people of different positions have different understandings and perspectives. Therefore, not only so-called official histories and unofficial histories, but also novels, what they tell is not absolute objective history and reality, but a reflection and projection of the author's subjective stance. Thus, when people choose a certain angle to enter history and reality, they are also choosing a way to approach truth. 'Black & White' is also like this. I do not know whether I have achieved my ideal of a novel in this work, but one thing is certain: I have faithfully recorded everything I have seen, experienced, and thought. In this sense, it is not only a novel but also a testament of time."
January 24, 2025
This Book Showed Me the True Face of Society – My Reflection on "Black & White" | Essay Selection (23)
This Book Showed Me the True Face of Society – My Reflection on "Black & White" | Essay Selection (23)
Original
Wu Jianping , May 27, 2025
"Black & White" vividly reflects a century of history since the 1920s. This isn't to say that the characters and events described in the novel correspond one-to-one with real-life figures and occurrences. Instead, the author highly concentrates characters and events with similar attributes to form an artistic truth. For instance, if Zhang San's head is handsome and aesthetic, Li Si's waist is handsome and aesthetic, and Wang Wu's legs are handsome and aesthetic, the author concentrates their shared aesthetics onto a single character, creating the artistic truth of a typical figure. Another example: the novel's descriptions of Chu Yun Entertainment City and Phoenix Island bring to mind the real-life "Heaven on Earth" in a certain place, a certain city of sex, and even international "Lolita Island" resorts. Therefore, the people and events reflected by artistic truth are more concentrated, profound, typical, and universal than those in real life, better reflecting objective reality and thus resonating more deeply with people.
In my childhood, I encountered revolutionary soldiers like Wang Shengli and experienced similar events to those in the novel; in my youth, I encountered upstart bureaucrats like Du Wei and likewise experienced similar events to those in the novel.
Wang Shengli in the novel is from Huayuankou, Henan, born in 1926. Before him, his parents had seven children who unfortunately died young. His parents, in their forties, had him and named him "Sheng'er" (meaning "leftover child"). On June 12, 1938, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the destruction of the Huayuankou Dam to block the Japanese army's advance. Wang Shengli's parents perished in the flood, but he miraculously survived. At 12, Wang Shengli became an orphan, wandering, begging, and even serving as a bandit. Later, the great collective of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, led by Chairman Mao and the Communist Party, took him in and reformed him, making him a company commander of an heroic company. General Hong Hu, his unit commander, changed his name from Wang Sheng'er to Wang Shengli (meaning "victory").
After demobilization, after several ups and downs, Wang Shengli became the director of the Pizhen People's Commune Brick and Tile Factory. When he learned that Zong Tianyi was stealing equipment parts from the factory to sell for money, he didn't overly trouble Zong Tianyi. Because he usually cared about the lives of the masses, he knew that Zong Tianyi's father was missing, his mother was mentally unstable, and Zong Tianyi had a younger sister in elementary school. As orphans and a widowed mother, their lives were difficult. So, he arranged for Zong Tianyi to do odd jobs at the brick and tile factory on Sundays and holidays to supplement the family income. He even paid out of his own pocket for the cafeteria cook to give Zong Tianyi a bowl of noodles. However, concern was concern, but principles could not be abandoned. In the end, he confined Zong Tianyi for two days.
Principles could not be abandoned, this applied to Zong Tianyi, and it also applied to his beloved son.
When Wang Cheng wanted to change his name to "Wang Sheng," he was furious, saying that if Wang Cheng disliked his name for being "rustic," he was despising his father and was an ungrateful wretch. Without the great collective of the People's Liberation Army led by Chairman Mao and the Communist Party, there would be no Wang Shengli today, so how could there be you, Wang Cheng, a university student? In Wang Shengli's eyes, a hero was a symbol of collectivism, sacrificing the individual to preserve the collective. Huang Jiguang used his chest to block the enemy's machine gun fire to ensure the safety of his comrades charging behind him. And Wang Cheng in the Korean War film "Heroic Sons and Daughters" shouted on the battlefield: "Fire at me!" to ensure the position did not fall into enemy hands, because the position was the collective's property. Collective honor and collective property were sacred and inviolable, a belief ingrained in the blood of soldiers of Wang Shengli's generation.
Old Li was also a demobilized soldier, roughly the same age as Wang Shengli. Because he had been wounded in the leg during the war, he walked with a slight limp. After demobilization, he became the head of the security section at the county fuel company.
When I was a child, my family lacked firewood, so my friends and I would go to the county fuel company's coal yard to pick up coal after school every day. Our coal-picking tools included a crude bamboo basket, a small rake, a small sorghum broom about a foot long, and a snakeskin bag. While we called it "picking up coal," most of the time it was stealing. The fuel company's coal was piled in an open field by the Yangtze River. In the evening, my friends and I, carrying our baskets and rakes, would swarm towards the coal pile. But every time, Old Li would chase us away. He'd appear from nowhere with a large broom, shouting: "You little rascals, if I catch you, I'll skin you alive!" Even though his leg was a bit inconvenient, he chased us quite nimbly. Terrified, we'd quickly dump the coal from our baskets, along with our rakes, and run for our lives, holding only empty baskets. Old Li would then sweep the coal we'd dumped into a pile with his large broom, occasionally sweeping up some rakes with clanging sounds, and then he'd shout at the top of his lungs: "Haha, you don't even want your eating utensils anymore!" Hearing this, we'd feel helpless and stand about two hundred meters away from him, holding our empty baskets, and all shout in unison: "Iron Crutch Li! Iron Crutch Li! Iron Crutch Li!"
After several setbacks, I came up with a plan. When Old Li chased us, I would squat motionless in a dark corner of the coal pile. When Old Li had chased my companions two or three hundred meters away, I would quickly use my rake to fill a basket with coal and head in the opposite direction, turning three alleys to a safe place, find the hidden snakeskin bag, pour the coal into it, tie the bag mouth tightly, put it on my shoulder, carry the empty basket, and return home with a full load.
I remember it was a winter evening in 1975, and it was my third time repeating the trick. As I carried a basket of coal and reached the second alley corner, Old Li appeared before me like a divine soldier. He held the large broom with its bristles facing back and the handle forward, like he was aiming a rifle, and roared: "Stop! Don't move! Hands up!" After saying that, he smiled triumphantly, saying, "You little rascal, you actually played 'feign to attack the east but attack the west' and 'lure the tiger out of the mountains' in front of me. Isn't this flaunting a broadsword in front of Guan Yu?"
I obediently followed him into his duty room. He poured me a mug of hot water and offered me two large steamed buns. He sat on a wooden chair and, after I finished eating, said: "I know your family is in difficulty, and I know you're in fourth grade and can sing." Today, I won't ask you to write a self-criticism. Just sing "Learn from Lei Feng, Our Good Role Model" three times for me, and I'll let you go home. I immediately understood that one of my caught companions had betrayed me; no wonder they said there were steamed buns to eat. At first, I didn't believe it. I had no choice but to brace myself and sing: "Learn from Lei Feng, our good role model, loyal to the revolution and loyal to the Party..." He listened, tapping gently on the chair with his hand. When I sang "collectivist thought shines brightly" for the third time, he suddenly said: "Stop. What does 'collectivist thought shines brightly' mean? It means not infringing upon collective property, and cherishing collective property. Are you making collectivist thought shine brightly by stealing public coal today? Did your teacher teach you to sing one thing and do another? If your family lacks firewood, aren't there dead branches from trees on the river beach in winter that you can pick up? And fallen sycamore leaves all over the roadside. Why don't you pick those up for firewood and insist on stealing public coal? Collective property is sacred and inviolable, do you know that? Didn't your teacher teach you?"
Yes, collective property is sacred and inviolable! I've always remembered that phrase.
But today, where is the collective property? If children today were to sing "Learn from Lei Feng, our good role model, collectivist thought shines brightly," wouldn't it be a huge irony?
Where did the collective property go? The book "Black & White" explains it.
Du Wei's adoptive father was Du Fu, the owner of a photo studio. He was relentlessly determined to make a profit, "biting onto the green mountains and never letting go." Du Wei's biological father was Wu Bozhong, a "cow demon and snake spirit" who embodied both feudal and capitalist culture, making his fortune through swindling and playing god. This culture, formed by exploiting the sweat and blood of farmers and workers, greatly influenced Du Wei. Under its pervasive influence, Du Wei was molded into a typically astute and capable economic man. His purpose in life was to make money by any means necessary; besides making money quickly, he knew no other happiness in the world, and once he couldn't make money quickly, he knew no other pain in the world. Look at the Wu Gong Ancestral Hall and Phoenix Island Art Village that he single-handedly created; which one wasn't a gratuitous occupation of Phoenix Island's collective resources, engaging in profiteering schemes, driving island residents off the island, making them leave their homes and wander everywhere? And didn't he and his backers, Hong Taihang, Song Qiankun, Lang Tao, etc., all make a fortune? Wasn't collective property all pocketed by these people?
In the spring of 1985, as the county town was about to be upgraded to a county-level city, it ushered in a wave of great development. The County Grain Bureau, the County Waterworks, the Fuel Company, and the County Agricultural Machinery Bureau all expanded their factories around the county town. My village, being less than 2 kilometers from the county town, became a beneficiary of its proximity. The County Agricultural Machinery Bureau acquired land in my village to build a radio factory. I was fortunate enough to become a local worker (tǔdì gōng, literally "land worker," implying connection to the local land).
At the welcome meeting for new workers entering the factory, Director Liu of the Agricultural Machinery Bureau gave an impassioned speech. Director Liu was also from a military background, roughly the same age as Chen Yimeng in "Black & White," and had a similar personality. He said that a local worker, as the name suggests, meant "land exists, people exist," and like official workers in state-owned enterprises, it was a solid "iron rice bowl." He also made an analogy, saying that the local earth god temple has an Earth God and Earth Goddess, who are the righteous deities of the temple, and our factory also has "Earth Gods" and "Earth Goddesses" like you; you are the masters of the factory. Finally, he wished all workers to unite, study diligently, work hard, and strive to make the radio factory bigger and stronger. That day, after listening to Director Liu's speech, we clapped our hands sore.
However, events often do not unfold according to human will. In 1998, the Municipal Agricultural Machinery Bureau transferred Director Niu, who was from the same family as Judge Niu Zhi in "Black & White" five hundred years ago. As soon as Director Niu took office, he declared that the radio factory's efficiency was low and that they needed to develop revenue streams. He dispatched people to work with real estate developers to wall off the entire factory with bricks and build commercial housing. We, the local workers, along with other factory workers, staged a sit-in at the municipal government compound for several days. The government ordered Director Niu to resolve the issue properly. Finally, the developers compensated each of us 5,000 yuan, a one-time buyout. From then on, "chickens and dogs could be heard, but people lived out their lives without interaction."
We, once known as "Earth Gods" and "Earth Goddesses," as peasants, lost the land we relied on for survival; as workers, we lost the factory we relied on for survival. Holding 5,000 RMB in our hands, it felt like our entire life's fortune. From then on, the "Earth Gods" became migrant workers, and the "Earth Goddesses" became migrant women, embarking on a life of leaving their hometowns to work.
"Black & White" not only vividly reflects the past and present, possessing universal value and vibrant vitality, but it also foreshadows the future of history. The end of the novel tells people that Du Wei's series of violations resulted in "double expulsion," and the revocation of all his internal and external Party positions. But Hong Taihang says that once this "storm" passes, he will be reinstated and made vice president of Hurricane Investment Company. This shows a powerful, yet decaying, force.
When Wang Sheng was released from prison, Tian Qingqing, Liang Tian, and Gu Zheng came to pick him up. This represents a weak force, yet it is an advanced one.
The weak, advanced force will ultimately overcome the powerful, decaying force. History has progressed this way, though it has experienced countless twists and turns.
Thank you, "Black & White," for allowing me to see the true face of this society!
Why "Black and White" is a Visualized History of Contemporary Chinese Social Development
Speech By Yun Kai, October 19, 2024
Liu Jiming's "Black and White" is a socialist realist novel with critical elements. The work spans from the 1911 Revolution through the Land Revolution War, Anti-Japanese War, Liberation War, Chairman Mao's era after the founding of New China, and into Deng Xiaoping's era after Reform and Opening Up. It traverses the "Second Republic" led by Deng, Jiang, and Hu. Through representative major social events and typical character stories from various historical periods with their respective political, economic, and ideological backgrounds, it vividly and authentically reproduces a century of Chinese historical political changes from modern to contemporary times. It touches on politics, economy, culture, education, art, and the underworld that correspond to the imperial court. The twisting character fates and gripping realistic plots are filled with intense critical colors and a patriotic concern for country, party, and people. The author's sincere faith in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and genuine feelings for the working-class laboring people represented by workers and peasants are even more unmistakable.
Many critics say "Black and White" is a visualized contemporary Chinese social development history. I'll share my views from several perspectives.
I. From Du Wei's background, identity, and Luo Zheng's narrative
One of the main characters in "Black and White" is Du Wei, whose grandfather, Zhan Datong, participated in the 1911 Revolution but lost his political enthusiasm due to internal fighting and opened a photo studio. He arranged his daughter Zhan Rong to marry Guo Da, a Kuomintang general. When refusing the son of a vegetable farmer, Du Fu spat: "Pah, you're truly a toad wanting to eat swan meat. How dare you take the Zhan surname, how dare you... like my daughter?" Stimulated by this insult, Du Fu endured humiliation, made achievements, and finally married Zhan Rong. Zhan Datong died three years after their marriage.
I find this plot design quite intriguing. Zhan Datong participated in the 1911 Revolution, so logically, he should have been more open-minded, but he viewed social class as an insurmountable gulf. This reveals part of why the 1911 Revolution failed—its lack of thoroughness, completely excluding the masses from the revolutionary mainstream.
Du Fu committed suicide after discovering his son Du Wei wasn't his biological child. Wu Bozhong told Zhan Rong: "My era and my son's era will both come!" Later when Wu Bozhong privately discussed with Song Qiankun, he proposed a "breaking out of the cocoon" restoration theory, to which Song Qiankun replied that he "was also approaching his final judgment" (see Part 3, pages 212-214).
In Part One, Luo Zheng recounts his experiences from joining the revolution to before Reform and Opening Up (see Part 1, pages 332-353), during which he asked Anna in prison: "How will history and the future evaluate people like us?"
At this point, I feel "Black and White" touches on how to evaluate a century of Chinese history and its figures.
For instance, on the question of evaluating Chairman Mao, it's not difficult to understand why Deng and others viewed the "comprehensive evaluation" of Chairman Mao as so important. Because a comprehensive evaluation of Chairman Mao's lifetime achievements, merits, and demerits is not only about Chairman Mao personally, but is closely connected to everything "going back to 1840" including the two Opium Wars, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement, the Self-Strengthening Movement, the First Sino-Japanese War, the Boxer Indemnity, the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement, the New Democratic Revolution, the Socialist Revolution and Construction, the Cultural Revolution, Reform and Opening Up, etc. Viewed internationally, it's also connected to the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, the Soviet revisionist change, the U.S.-Soviet rivalry, U.S.-China relations, etc. These cannot be separated. Chairman Mao belongs not only to himself, but to the Chinese Communist Party, the People's Republic of China, and more importantly to the Chinese people and the people of the world.
To achieve a truly meaningful "reconciliation" between history—reality—future, politics—economy—culture—military, revolution—construction—reform, the First Republic—Second Republic—Third Republic, the historical task of a comprehensive evaluation of Chairman Mao is unavoidable.
Of course, this historical task will eventually be completed by someone at some time, though not necessarily by the Red Dynasty.
Looking back now, we can see why the book takes the 1911 Revolution as a historical starting point, possibly with this consideration in mind. In 2011, some people inside and outside the Party used the 100th anniversary of the 1911 Revolution as an opportunity and even moved a Confucius statue to Tiananmen Square, though it was removed after significant criticism. But that Confucius statue remains in a small courtyard behind the National Museum. Three years later in 2014, they began saying that Confucius Institutes belong to China and to the world, and now they venerate and sacrifice to Confucius, essentially retreating all the way back to the Way of Confucius and Mencius. This is a trampling of the 1911 Revolution and even the entire modern revolutionary history since 1840.
"Black and White" effectively reveals this complex historical process.
II. From the perspective of Hong Hu, Han Ying, Song Qiankun, Lu Shengping, and Niu Niu
Previously, I analyzed the character images from Song Qiankun, Hong Hu, Old Commander Gu to Chen Yimeng in an article still on Renjing website (titled "From Song Qiankun, Hong Hu, Old Commander Gu to Chen Yimeng—Reading 'Black and White'"), so I won't repeat all of that here.
"Black and White" covers the full century of history from 1912-2012. Against the backdrop of changing historical circumstances, through the intersecting lives and fluctuating fortunes of the Hong Hu couple, Song Qiankun, Lu Shengping, and Niu Niu, it vividly reproduces this twisting, complex, back-and-forth historical period, while revealing the necessity of revolutionary movements, the complexity of class struggle, and the cruelty of political struggles. It allows history to speak for itself, clearly explaining to the world how, in the surging historical tide, human nature's true, good, and beautiful aspects are constantly competing fiercely with the false, evil, and ugly. It eloquently proves that only by identifying with "continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" can one be a true communist, and this is the necessary path to realize a communist society.
Hong Hu, Han Ying, Song Qiankun, Lu Shengping, and Niu Niu all met during the war years, fighting against internal and external enemies to establish an independent, people-ruled socialist New China. They all came from the poorest families with the deepest grievances, with the strongest revolutionary will and spirit. In the war era of destroying the old world, they all belonged to the class camp oppressed by imperialist powers and reactionary ruling classes. Under the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought and the Communist Party's revolutionary program, they had clear revolutionary goals of defeating imperialist invaders and overthrowing Kuomintang reactionaries. Facing strong hostile forces formed by internal and external alliances, they built a Great Wall of flesh and blood with revolutionary faith and class feelings to resist foreign aggression and strike against internal and external enemies. So even if they weren't perfect, even if like Song Qiankun they joined the revolution out of temporary personal grievance, they chose to join rather than observe from the sidelines in the rolling tide of revolution.
After the "First Republic" died, a "Second Republic" that privatized public property and allowed a hundred flowers to bloom began. The political and economic system shifted from "class struggle as the key link" to "economic construction as the central task." Former "landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists" had their labels removed with one stroke. The new slogan that "whether a cat is black or white, if it catches mice it's a good cat" promoting productivity and economic benefits theory smoothed over the clear class divisions formed in people's minds during the First Republic era and dissolved the clear class struggle consciousness formed during the planned economy era. Under the impact of the new tide of reform encouraging bold experimentation, the new political and economic system broke free from the constraints of "class struggle as the key link" and "proletarian dictatorship," regaining a jungle environment of survival of the fittest. People's thoughts in real society changed in this new social ecological environment. This change, with the deepening of reform and the passage of time, progressed from shallow to deep. Society rapidly stratified according to standards of money and power. The socialism of the "First Republic" period was undeniably alienated, presenting a mixed social form of feudalism, capitalism, and revisionism.
As relatively free human individuals in civilized society, objectively speaking, people are both creators of their era and subjects of their era. Their thoughts, spirits, and behaviors all bear the stamp of their times. Humans are not only social but also temporal; human thought can change with the times, just as when spring comes, the withered tree root systems buried underground will sprout seasonal vitality, and when autumn comes, even the most flourishing flowers will wither. This once again proves that to realize a communist society, the "continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" must be upheld in socialist society. Ideological transformation must continue without relaxation. We cannot rely merely on individual moral self-discipline, but must rely on the people and mobilize the masses to rise up in supervision.
III. From the perspective of Hong Taihang, Chen Yimeng, Song Xiaofan, and Jiang Haiyang
Hong Taihang, Chen Yimeng, Song Xiaofan, and Jiang Haiyang all came from Red Second Generation backgrounds. Their youth was spent in the high tide of anti-imperialism, anti-revisionism, and socialist construction. Having experienced political storms and the great social melting pot during the transition from old to new historical periods, they developed keen insight into politics, society, and even international situations. Long social experience forged their unbending characters and ability to adapt to changing environments.
Hong Taihang was General Hong Hu's son. After the Cultural Revolution was negated, he abandoned his imminent promotion to deputy division level in the Production and Construction Corps to return to Beijing, and through his father's influence, went to work at the Development and Reform Commission. Riding the east wind of Reform and Opening Up, he established a "sheep's head selling dog meat" trading company. Taking advantage of the opportunity as China opened its doors and surplus goods from capitalist countries flooded in, he engaged extensively in profiteering, "running toward money," and quickly became a standout among "the portion of people allowed to get rich first," becoming one of Beijing's first batch of commercial housing buyers.
Hong Taihang fabricated high-sounding pretexts for his criminal behavior, often spouting theories like "corruption is the lubricant of reform," "high salaries prevent corruption," and "small government, big society," using political reform as a smokescreen for his crimes. His social circle centered around him continued to expand, with salon activities at his residence—Bingma Hutong No. 9 Courtyard—becoming increasingly frequent. This small group included not only fellow children of high-ranking cadres but also policy researchers from the State Council Research Office, young teachers from the Central Party School, and writers who had been labeled rightists during the Cultural Revolution and were only recently rehabilitated... They were elites from central ministries and commissions and various social sectors. When discussing major political issues like whether to continue on the socialist road or push for complete Westernization under the banner of reform, they engaged in sharp intellectual exchanges with incisive words. Avant-garde and pointed speculations were filled with stubborn prejudices and sophistry, with some even directly targeting Chairman Mao. After leaving his position, Hong Taihang built his wealth empire through his father's relationship network. His familiarity with Beijing's complex political and business relationships, especially high-level official relationships, was as if his brain contained a "contact map" that could immediately locate anyone he needed. In fact, every business deal he completed relied on this "contact map."
Later, Hong Taihang turned his gaze across the ocean, tying himself to American Duke Corporation with a profit cord (this "American Duke Corporation" also appears in "Renjing," with the two books having a dream linkage), becoming both a pathfinder for foreign capital entering China and a strong arm protecting foreign interests. In other words, he became a "red comprador" for Western capital in China.
Song Xiaofan was Song Qiankun's daughter. During the Cultural Revolution, she had loved Guo Liang, married the East River workers' rebel leader Cheng Guojun, but divorced him at her father Song Qiankun's behest after Cheng was labeled one of the "three types of people." She lived with the reactionary rightist writer Li Xin in America and later married Bai Wen, son of the Kuomintang general Bai Shouhe. She was a typical "scar literature writer," with "Xiangchun Street" being her scar literature work.
Scar literature continued until the early 1980s, running through the so-called "reflective literature" and "reform literature" that followed, and diffused outward, providing material and impetus for other art forms like film and fine arts. This literary trend of denouncing Cultural Revolution trauma was named after "Scar." The "scar" writing had such far-reaching influence that it almost covered the entire literary creation of the 1980s, to the extent that some say the only literary theme of the 1980s was the Cultural Revolution. Even much of the root-seeking literature and avant-garde literature were merely variations on the "scar" theme.
Scar literature vulgarized class struggle and denied historical progress. At the micro level, it weakened and distorted the power of the proletariat, packaging working people as mobs and fools. Proletarian literature can only truly serve the proletariat by standing on a proletarian position, telling proletarian narratives at the macro level, and reflecting the actual conditions of the proletariat at the micro level.
Content determines form. Contemporary Chinese literary workers who themselves do not stand on the proletarian position and are detached from the labor life content of workers and peasants certainly cannot create good literary forms. In other words, "how can good literature and art be created while staying with these insects?" Since Reform and Opening Up, from scar literature to new era literature, these gentlemen have consistently imprisoned themselves in ivory towers, becoming defenders and custodians of the bourgeois and even aristocratic capitalist literary and art front.
Since the "October Thunder," China's literary field has generally experienced two processes: liberalization and conservatism. Why did such completely opposite changes occur? Because bourgeois interests became divided. At the beginning of restoration, the two had common interests, jointly eroding the achievements of socialism through collusion. Later in the Second Republic, as China's imperialist tendencies began to emerge, the contradictions between bureaucratic capitalists and private capitalists intensified, and the aristocratic capitalists controlled the state propaganda machine. Thus, officials naturally strengthened conservative propaganda, reanimating corpses, serving the rule of bureaucratic capitalists, such as "new era mainstream literature and art." Such literary works not only detach from the historical background and erase class struggle but also attempt to sing the praises of "human nature theory" with the stench of the bourgeoisie to stigmatize and distort working people. Of course, whether conservative or liberal, they are both the "changing banners on the city wall" of bourgeois literature and art. Their progression from collusion to competition essentially reflects the development process of revisionism containing feudalism, capitalism, and imperialism in China, and cannot change the bourgeois essence.
"Black and White," through its portrayal of Song Xiaofan and the old rightist Li [name unclear], deeply exposes the reactionary and decadent nature of scar literature writers.
The cousins Hong Taihang and Song Xiaofan are representative figures among the Red Second Generation group. With changing political winds and the shifting positions of their fathers, they swiftly jumped from the "politics takes command" tide of the First Republic to the "economics takes command" tide of the Second Republic. At the beginning of Reform and Opening Up's "crossing the river by feeling the stones," like other "Red Second Generation" members who boldly broke through socialist legal prohibitions, Hong Taihang used his excellent organizational ability and keen political vision to build bridges of friendship among former classmates and comrades, establishing a social circle of high-ranking cadres' children centered around himself. They were distributed in key departments of various central ministries and commissions, being the future successors of the state. Song Xiaofan also relied on her father's help to enter the East University writers' class and become a so-called "young writer," gaining a foothold in the ideological and cultural field. She believed that "everything I have now, isn't it the compensation I should have received long ago?" From radical revolutionaries in the red era, they transformed themselves into self-negating pioneers of reform and opening up, criticizing the political and economic system of the planned economy era. Just as they viewed themselves as the rightful successors to the proletarian revolutionary cause during the Cultural Revolution, they now saw themselves as "pioneers" and "navigators" of reform and opening up, clearing away the "Cultural Revolution poison."
Why did those who received years of Party education and revolutionary furnace tempering, who were taught by their elders' words and deeds from childhood, and who were once the best in the revolutionary ranks, collapse so quickly in the reform era, transforming almost overnight? They had very strong personal heroic desires. In any era, like gamblers, they staked their lives to be the pioneers of their times. For them, revolutionary ideals, communism, and even sacred words like motherland and people were merely external decorations for achieving their personal goals of standing out. As soon as the political climate changed, out of self-interest, they could discard these without any lingering attachment. Therefore, regardless of whether the social system was public or private, they were always the brightest stars in different eras. They lacked the pain experienced at the beginning of the revolution, lacked their elders' deep understanding of the meaning of revolution and why one should fight lifelong for the communist cause, and thus could easily change with the wind. Additionally, there might be a psychological imbalance from feeling they had given too much for the revolutionary cause, for national and people's interests, without receiving special material benefits, plus the fact that most of their fathers had been caught in political storms during the Cultural Revolution, subjected to what they considered "unfair" suspension and investigation, planting seeds of resentment in their hearts that grew uncontrollably when the political "spring breeze" blew.
So we see that to cooperate with uprooting the "First Republic," Hong Taihang's group acted on the economic base while Song Xiaofan's group worked on the superstructure. Therefore, from their chameleon-like changes in political conduct and attached moral qualities across different eras, we must consider a political question: the relationship between political and economic systems, how the political-economic system determines social ideology, determines whom the state machinery serves, thus determining the class nature of the state. The fundamental root governing all this is the formation of the Party's leading collective and the selection of the main helmsman. Historically, we've seen peasant uprisings and dynastic changes, and more recently, the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. During the Cultural Revolution, there was a slogan: "A hero's father produces a good man, a reactionary's father produces a scoundrel." From a materialist view, if there's some truth to this inference, it's mainly built on how the "son's" later life is imperceptibly influenced by the father's words and deeds, and the political and social environment of the significant era. As for mysterious genetic inheritance, which belongs to biological science and idealism, its impact on whether descendants become "heroes" or "cowards" might be less significant than pouring a bottle of mineral water into the Dead Sea to change its salt content. At the same time, as descendants of heroes with their fathers' heroic halos, they subconsciously have a sense of pride and superiority that descendants of ordinary people don't, with a direct motivation to emulate their fathers and strive to be extraordinary. The general objective social mentality also gives them priority in recognition to become heroes. Therefore, due to the influence of their fathers, their own efforts, the resources they access, the information they grasp, and society's protection and encouragement, the children of heroes are often more likely to become outstanding than the descendants of ordinary people.
Looking at Chen Yimeng next. He saved Hong Taihang's life in the Great Northern Wilderness. In 1976, he was recommended as a worker-peasant-soldier student to Beijing University, and after graduation, was assigned to the Central Office, becoming secretary to Old Commander Gu, whom he had called Uncle Gu since childhood. He and his first wife came together because of their common fate and mutual attraction, while his relationship with his second wife was pure love. In the early days of Reform and Opening Up, he requested to be sent down to a poor county in North China as county Party secretary, eventually becoming mayor of a coastal city. He later transferred to be governor of a northern province, revitalizing the old industrial base in just a few years. During the reform process, Chen Yimeng was known for "daring to eat crabs" and "gnawing hard bones," earning the reputation of "Chen Whirlwind." Just after Chen Yimeng took office as East River Provincial Party Secretary with high expectations from the central government, he encountered the workers' rights defense incident during the East Steel merger process. He halted the East Steel merger process after in-depth exchanges with East Steel workers. After Gu Zheng and Li Hong jointly exposed the corruption scandal of Phoenix Island, Chen Yimeng thoroughly investigated the corrupt forces of Phoenix Island. Although the corrupt forces of Phoenix Island were suppressed, Chen Yimeng's actions did not satisfy the high levels, and he was eventually transferred out of East River Province, replaced by Jiang Haiyang, with his prospects of further promotion evaporating.
Chen Yimeng differed from ordinary Red Second Generation members. Although he started on the foundation of the socialist political system established by his father's generation through hardship, his thinking was sharper and his vision broader, and he carried the responsibility for the Party and the state on his shoulders. As a reformer, his feelings toward the masses were complex, but his heart always held the people. To ensure the Party's nature and purpose, he consistently emphasized protecting people's interests during the reform process (see Part 3, pages 160-162). He didn't throw away the people as a burden, and this burden prevented him from carrying out bold reforms like ordinary "reformers." In the tide of Reform and Opening Up, he didn't abandon the core concept of socialism from the "First Republic." Pausing the East Steel merger project required bearing pressure from multiple sides, including upper levels, colleagues, and his friend Hong Taihang, who was one of the beneficiaries of the East Steel merger project. But for the future destiny of the Party and the state, for the interests of the masses, and for his own former ideals, after careful consideration, he finally took the most crucial step, breaking through various obstacles regardless of consequences, displaying the courage and spirit of a reformer. His ability to make political decisions from a public heart for the country and people, without placing personal or group private interests above national, ethnic, or even class interests, made him worthy of the title "statesman."
Isn't it said that "he who wins the people's hearts wins the world"? So why did Chen Yimeng ultimately fail? In Part 3, page 367, Bai Wen tells Song Xiaofan: "The Chinese high levels were obviously not very satisfied with Chen Yimeng's actions, otherwise, they wouldn't have transferred him out of East River so quickly. China's reforms have become irreversible; no conservative force can change or delay them." This reveals why Chen Yimeng failed—his legs weren't moving in unison. One leg wanted to walk forward on the socialist path, while the other wanted to stay in place, making a fall inevitable. Undoubtedly, Chen Yimeng was a member of the capitalist reform path. Otherwise, there wouldn't be the "Chen Whirlwind" story, and he wouldn't have been cultivated as a successor by Old Commander Gu. But the socialist sentiment that Chen Yimeng developed during the "First Republic" period meant he couldn't advance on the reform path without concerns like fellow Red Second Generation members Jiang Haiyang and Luo Baochang. State-owned enterprise reform was an inevitable path in the market economy. In a market economy environment, labor becomes a commodity, and workers must sell their labor, unable to remain masters of their own fate. Therefore, during the state-owned enterprise reforms of that time, many workers were laid off, losing their "iron rice bowls" to create "golden rice bowls" for a few. The capitalist road and the interests of the working masses are fundamentally opposed; one must choose. Chen Yimeng, on one hand, believed state-owned enterprise reform towards a market economy was inevitable, but on the other hand, he wanted to care for the fundamental interests of workers harmed by these reforms. A person must either stand on the position of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat, but Chen Yimeng tried to stand on both, wavering, constraining his own hands and feet, ultimately being quietly transferred out of East River Province, with East Steel workers' interests ultimately unprotected—one can imagine that after the takeover by Jiang Haiyang, who had no feeling for the common people and only spouted book learning and terminology, the process of East Steel reform became irreversible.
In Part 3, pages 170-171, Old Commander Gu discusses the "make-up lesson theory" with Chen Yimeng before he assumes office as East River Provincial Party Secretary, revealing his worries about the Party and state affairs with the deepening of reform, which serves as a final political testament from this old revolutionary of the "First Republic" era to Chen Yimeng. I wanted to cry when I first read this part, and still feel moved every time I read it, not because I'm being sentimental, but because I thought of how the revolution hasn't stopped even as the great waves sift the sand. Lenin once said that human thought needs and can be instilled. Isn't this so-called make-up lesson theory also a kind of instillation? That's why it's said, "if the proletariat doesn't occupy the ideological front, the bourgeoisie will." But ideology belongs to the superstructure category, and when the economic base has already changed, the superstructure cannot remain motionless, so changes or even chaos in ideology are inevitable. Otherwise, we fall into the trap of mechanical materialism.
The make-up lesson theory holds that socialist revolutions are premature and deformed births that shouldn't have happened. But which period was really deformed and premature? Some argue that the "Second Republic" was deformed, born prematurely, and died early. Many say it could have completed that transformation, especially from the 17th Party Congress between 2007 and 2012, when ideological divisions in the Party's upper levels were severe, developing into a path struggle by 2012. I was skeptical when this view was first proposed. We know that the legitimacy of Reform and Opening Up was built on negating the Cultural Revolution, and around 2007-2008, voices emerged calling for a rational reflection on reform and a calm view of the Cultural Revolution (the New Left). Articles published in New Left platforms like "Cultural Traverse," "Tianya," and "Reading" during those years showed this tendency. Otherwise, the anti-Mao figure Mao Yushi wouldn't have said in 2008, "I'm disappointed in the prospects for reform." At that time, CCTV even broadcast some red songs, including unedited versions from the Cultural Revolution period. Some asked, "Is there going to be a left turn?" Looking back, we now know it wasn't the reappearance of dawn but a kind of returning light.
Mechanical materialists believe the superstructure is always in the hands of the proletariat, but once the economic base changes, the superstructure determined by the economic base must change with it. When the superstructure changes, it reacts back on the economic base, transforming it even more. Once such production relations are formed, they necessarily develop and evolve according to the laws of these production relations, which cannot be controlled by a few "socialist road advocates." It will continuously develop toward concentration and monopoly, regardless of who controls it; on the contrary, whoever controls it becomes its agent. Isn't that how the so-called "property rights reform history" came about?
After the political storm triggered by moldy rice in the university cafeteria (Part 1, pages 379-397), the "First Republic" completely died in body and soul from its ruling position, and China transitioned from the "post-Mao era" to the "post-Tiananmen era." Revolution was narrated as a failed modernization story, held responsible for China's delayed and interrupted modernization process. Western liberals viewed the Mao-led First Republic period as a resurgence of "Eastern feudal despotism" and "Asian despotism"—this is the Western summary of the relationship between state and society built on traditional agricultural water conservancy foundations during the First Republic period, a debating point in the Communist International movement surrounding the proletarian revolutions in China and the Soviet Union, and also the starting point of self-confirmation for the so-called "new enlightenment" in the 1980s. The former "revolutionary history paradigm" was replaced by the so-called "modernization paradigm," not just in literature and history circles, but in the entire knowledge production shift in the "post-Tiananmen era," determining China's dominant topics and frameworks in the politically correct Reform and Opening Up period of the Second Republic.
In the Second Republic period, China's socialist revolution existed in name only in reality. The replacement of Chinese revolution by modernization stabilized global capitalism, while China's entry into the WTO gave global capitalism new development, making capitalist globalization a fact (i.e., "the world needs China"). Against this background, globalization's modernization and revolution became binary opposites, corresponding to other binary oppositions like democracy and authoritarianism, freedom and despotism, state and society—these oppositions are both historical projections of China's real political game in the "post-Tiananmen era," especially after the "92 Southern Tour," and world political projections after the Soviet Union's collapse in 91. They hide in the theoretical depths of "globalization" and "modernity." Today's world remains imprisoned in the cognitive barriers of a series of binary oppositions.
During the Second Republic period, China's "New Left" was born from reflection on China's "1990s." The landmark event was Wang Hui's article "Contemporary Chinese Intellectual Conditions and the Problem of Modernity," written in 94 and published in 97, viewed as the manifesto of the "New Left's" birth. In this article, Wang Hui emphasized that China's socialist historical practice is a special form of Chinese modernity, that socialist movements aimed at modernization contained completely different value orientations, emphasized distinguishing between modernization in the Chinese context and the concept of "modernity" in Western modernization theory, criticized placing reflection on Chinese socialism in the binary opposition of tradition/modernity of the "new enlightenment thought trend," and believed that avoiding the predicament of Chinese socialism in the state system, party politics, and industrialization process is actually part of the entire world's "modernity crisis." This reasoning is also reflected in his subsequent series of discussions on "anti-modernity modernity," that is, saving Chinese socialism from "modernity."
The massive layoffs after the 98 Congress, the urban-rural gap behind the three rural issues, regional divisions between the southeast coast and northwest interior, social group events like Foxconn's multiple suicides and "toothbrush deaths," increasing corruption and embezzlement... these all became the price paid by the Chinese people after China joined the WTO (i.e., "China needs the world"). This meaning of "developmentalism" was criticized by the left both domestically and internationally. The debate between neoliberals and the New Left about China's path occurred against this background, and the ideological debate between these two factions was very intense in the years around the 17th Party Congress.
The 2012 New Year's message in "Southern Weekend" titled "Like One Bundle of Light Embracing Another Bundle of Light" wrote: "The brilliance of thought is being reborn. From former depletion and rigidity to the revival of humanity, from the dispute between the New Left and Liberals to the constitutional debate of 2011. Where do we come from? Where are we going? What should and can we do? For 170 years, Chinese society has never been as clear about its path as now."
In fact, China's "special situation" is not manifested as external to "ideological globalization"; on the contrary, China's internal ideological field is a reflection of global ideological struggle. Regardless of left or right, when this field is labeled by Western liberal scholars and politicians as stereotypical "despotism" and forms a binary opposition of good versus evil, light versus darkness with so-called "liberal democracy," this result is precisely the real picture of global ideological struggle. The only way to break this picture is to "return to 1978" to choose again—to find again the global historical significance of the Third World represented by the Chinese-Soviet revolution with its node at the October Revolution, thereby breaking this series of binary oppositions, and only then is it possible to clean up and continue the historical experience and practical process of socialist revolution.
Has the examination paper written by this history been completed? I think it was completed by 2012, and in recent years everyone has given their own scores in their hearts. At some point, the people, as the examiner, will give the final effective score for this answer sheet.
2012 was a year of dramatic social transformation, and also a year when the Party's line struggle, which had been suppressed for many years since Reform and Opening Up, finally transformed from quantitative to qualitative changes, expanding into a path struggle within and outside the Party (when drafting the "Two Decisions," Deng raised the opinion that in principle, the term "line struggle" would no longer be used).
What is a line struggle? It's the watershed of fundamental differences, either the west wind prevailing over the east wind or the east wind prevailing over the west wind. This looks not only at what a person says but also at what they do and for whom they do it. These are the sharpest bullets that have crossed history to the present. In the final analysis, line struggles have no room for reconciliation, no matter how much the royalists hide and avoid this most fundamental principle, the opportunists' actions are real, and an incomplete revolution is tantamount to a complete non-revolution or even counter-revolution.
Chen Yimeng was essentially a bourgeois statesman and reformer, from a line perspective, a reformist opportunist. Even with his desperate cover-up, like the "Second Republic" he represented, he was full of opportunistic airs. Don't be like the royalists and saving royalists who only know how to look upward and follow the elite route, seeking representatives among those who mingle with the ruling class, as the capitalist roaders once did. We should focus
Chen Yimeng was essentially a bourgeois statesman and reformer, from a line perspective, a reformist opportunist. Even with his desperate cover-up, like the "Second Republic" he represented, he was full of opportunistic airs. Don't be like the royalists and saving royalists who only know how to look upward and follow the elite route, seeking representatives among those who mingle with the ruling class, as the capitalist roaders once did. We should focus on the proletariat, bend down to work among the proletariat for organizational building and to cultivate and discover revolutionaries.
Most people's attitudes toward Chen Yimeng range from indifferent, regretful, nostalgic, praising, cursing, disliking, to loathing, and these different attitudes reflect their respective class positions.
As for the masses of East River's attitude toward him, most tend toward nostalgia and praise, mostly stemming from simple personal emotions based on class position, like the citizens who recently knelt crying before the statue of Judge Bao (at this point, what kind of person the historical Bao Zheng really was and the role of the so-called "honest official" are no longer so important. Think about it: if one could personally experience the fair justice they deserve in real life, who would still kneel crying before a statue?). This is because the kind-hearted, simple masses don't ask for much; they just want their real-life problems to be cared about, noticed, and properly resolved. When simple needs are met, the masses will naturally gather around, requiring neither cajolery nor force, and will give wholehearted support and love.
Therefore, I've always said that when evaluating any political figure, one shouldn't bring in personal emotions (such as love or hatred) but should clearly establish a class position before examining the class interests they represent, their political line, and their political ability.
Capitalism can be restored, but socialism cannot be restored; the proletariat can only take back the fruits of its labor through struggle.
This is actually where history shows its kindness: even in moments of crisis, there will still be insightful people who try to save the country and the people; but this is also where history shows its cruelty: a corrupt and incompetent ruling class no longer deserves these insightful people's efforts. If they cannot save it, they become the pushers of the last shovel of yellow earth to bury it.
History has always been full of tenderness; history has always been full of cruelty.
This is the historical truth that "Black and White" reveals to us.
IV. Conclusion
On Douban, I described "Blossoms" as "a Balzac-style elegy for Reform and Opening Up," while "Black and White" is "a Tolstoy-style revolutionary symphony." This is because "Blossoms" represents the decadent bourgeois petty-bourgeois culture, while "Black and White" represents the new, progressive proletarian revolutionary literature and art.
In class society, ideological forms such as politics, law, philosophy, religion, literature, and art "all influence each other and also influence the economic base." The history of class struggle shows that revolutionary literature and art play a positive role in promoting the development of new, progressive economic foundations, pushing history forward; reactionary literature and art maintain decaying, backward economic foundations, hindering historical development. Literature and art that promote new, progressive production relations inevitably have a destructive effect on decaying, backward production relations, accelerating their collapse. Literature and art that maintain decaying, backward production relations inevitably hinder the formation and development of new, progressive production relations.
Bourgeois literature and art still hold a dominant position, but they are after all decadent things without vitality and will eventually be eliminated by history. As Chairman Mao pointed out: "All decadent ideologies and other unsuitable parts of the superstructure are collapsing day by day; although thoroughly sweeping away this garbage still requires time, the trend of their collapse is definitely certain."
"Black and White" teaches us that the correct attitude is to abandon illusions, prepare for struggle, resolutely and thoroughly struggle against revisionism; fail, struggle again; fail again, until victory. This is the awareness that a believer in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism should have, rather than being immersed in delusions and dreams. One must bear the consequences if one lacks the courage to face reality. This process may be dry and tedious, but it doesn't mean we can't see any dawn that leads to despair. The appearance of a new generation of Marxists like Tian Qingqing and Liang Tian in the final part of "Black and White" represents this glimmer of dawn's hope.
To Understand the Reform and Opening Up, Please Read "Black and White"!
Liu Xiaoqiang, written on June 30, 2024
Greetings, teachers and comrades! First, I would like to extend my heartfelt congratulations on the official launch of the Renjing website! I feel very happy to gather together with teachers and comrades today.
I am a Hubei "Black and White" Reading Club member. I don't have any profound theories; I'll just share my thoughts and experiences from reading Teacher Liu's "Black and White."
I'm currently reading it for the third time. I started my second reading on December 26 last year in Shaoshan, and now I'm on my third reading. Each reading brings different feelings. The first time, I read it as a story—it's enduring, enjoyable, easy to read, authentic, believable, with no nihilistic style, derived from life, and true to life. It has tremendous appeal; it's hard to put down once picked up. The story is strong, with each part connecting to the next in interlocking links. Knowledge and interest are fused together, truly appealing to both refined and popular tastes, functioning like an encyclopedia.
I've read Teacher Cao Zhenglu's novels "There" and "Neon," which are very satisfying and cathartic! But I always felt something was missing. I always hoped for a book like "The Golden Road" to appear. I personally believe "The Golden Road" is a compass and textbook for our working masses to carry out scientific socialist revolution and construction. How wonderful it would be if someone could write about our current society's reform and opening up from the standpoint of the broad masses of workers and peasants!
Originally, I didn't have much hope, because who would dare to go against such mainstream opinion? Finally, as if a glimmer of light appeared in the darkness, growing brighter and brighter, Teacher Liu Jiming's "Black and White" emerged, illuminating the way forward for us night travelers.
After reading it through once, I exclaimed, "To understand the reform and opening up, please read 'Black and White'." One could say that the writing and publication of "Black and White" has fulfilled the dream of disadvantaged groups like myself in today's society. It is fortunate for the working people, fortunate for the nation, and also fills the void in Chinese literature regarding reform and opening up, shouldering literature's historical responsibility during this period.
"Black and White" is a book that will go down in history. Teacher Liu Jiming has done something that benefits the present and will benefit thousands of years to come. China will not forget, and the people will not forget.
From returning from Shaoshan on December 26 last year until June 1 this year, I read through it a second time. During this period, during the eighth day of the Spring Festival and the May Day holiday this year, under the leadership and hosting of Comrade Mao Guanghui, the president of the Hubei Reading Club, taking advantage of our geographical proximity, Teacher Liu Jiming gave two offline exchange lectures for the comrades of the Hubei Reading Club, allowing everyone to gain a deeper understanding of "Black and White." I completed three review articles titled "On the Grudges and Feelings Between Wang Sheng and Du Wei—Reading 'Black and White'" (Parts One, Two, and Three).
Teacher Liu Jiming has deep theoretical cultivation in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Through his teachings, I realized that many contradictions between characters in the book are not just personal grudges but have class nature—their contradictions are class struggles. Thinking about today's society from the destinies and vicissitudes of the book's characters, my previously pessimistic thoughts were thrown to the winds. As Uncle Luo Zheng in the book says, "It's still the Communist Party's world now, we must resolutely struggle!"
"The Chronicle of Mao Zedong" Volume 5 records that on the morning of October 7, 1961, Chairman Mao met with Japanese guests including the Japan-China Friendship Association delegation and representatives of Japanese civilian educators at Qinzheng Hall in Zhongnanhai. Chairman Mao said: "Lu Xun was a great revolutionary warrior in China's dark age and a leader on the literary front. He wrote a poem 'Untitled': 'Countless sooty faces buried in wormwood, who dares sing to stir earthly sorrow. Heart's concerns vast as the universe, listening for thunderclap in silence.'" This poem was written by Lu Xun in China's darkest years before dawn, showing that he saw light under completely dark rule.
Chairman Mao's heart was connected with Lu Xun's, and wasn't Chairman Mao, who did everything for the people's interests, also connected with the people's hearts? After finishing "Black and White" for the second time, I had a thought: Chairman Mao was very concerned about literary creation and writers. For example, Mr. Yao Xueyun's "Li Zicheng" was praised by Chairman Mao, and he himself received Chairman Mao's care and protection. The environment in which Teacher Liu created "Black and White" cannot be compared with that of Mr. Yao Xueyun creating "Li Zicheng." If Chairman Mao's spirit in heaven knew that Teacher Liu Jiming had created a great book "Black and White" that serves the people, he would certainly be as pleased as his people. Teacher Liu Jiming's "Black and White" is sufficient to comfort Chairman Mao's spirit in heaven.
I started reading "Black and White" for the third time from June 1 this year, reading it with questions and doubts in mind. For example, who are the most lovable people? Of course, it's Factory Director Wang Shengli and Factory Director Lu Shengping. They both came from the People's Liberation Army, both fought in battles and achieved merits, both were wounded, both were "number ones," and both were factory directors, yet their final outcomes were vastly different. Director Wang was undoubtedly a great hero of the people, while Director Lu degenerated into a coward. Although they both passed away, according to Chairman Mao's statement, Director Wang Shengli's death was heavier than Mount Tai! Director Lu Shengping's death was lighter than a feather.
Now, whenever I have time, I dig and dig and dig in "Black and White." I've dug up several seemingly precious things, but I'll temporarily let them remain in the book, and when I've thought of a good excavation method, I'll let them emerge. This is my current reading situation. I originally planned to read the book roughly the first time, carefully the second time, and meticulously the third time, but it seems that's not enough.
"The Chronicle of Mao Zedong" Volume 6 records: On the evening of May 25, 1973, when Chairman Mao presided over a meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee at his residence at the Zhongnanhai swimming pool, he said: "Members of the Political Bureau should know a bit of history, not just Chinese history and world history, but also categorized political history, economic history, and novel history. The history from turtle shells to the Communist Party should be summarized. Among Chinese novels, 'Dream of the Red Chamber' still has the highest artistic and ideological value. When reading 'Dream of the Red Chamber,' do not speak at all if you haven't read it five times, because you cannot clarify its class relationships."
This was Chairman Mao discussing "Dream of the Red Chamber," and now I feel that my reading of "Black and White" also gives me the feeling of Chairman Mao reading "Dream of the Red Chamber." Chairman Mao read "Dream of the Red Chamber" to understand feudal society; I read "Black and White" to understand characteristic society. The high ideological and artistic value of "Black and White" has been highly summarized by Teacher Kong Qingdong, Teacher Guo Songmin, and others, and I completely agree.
I feel that to fully digest "Black and White," one must put in hard work. For example, who is Zeng Zhuo of "Tree on the Cliff"? Who is the author of "General, Don't Do This"? What does Li Hong's poem to Lang Tao mean? And Li Hong resembling Xie Fang, Gu Zheng resembling Pan Hong, Cheng Guojun resembling Wang Xingang, Ba Dong resembling Fei Xiang—what do these people look like? Also, the "two-family" banquet becomes a "three-family" banquet, about the expansion of the Anti-Rightist Campaign and other matters, history is expressed through literature.
"Black and White" runs through the old democratic revolution to the new democratic revolution, to the founding of New China, New China's socialist revolution and construction up to Chairman Mao's passing away, from Chairman Mao's death to more than forty years of reform and opening up—nearly a century of history, with the highlight and focus on reform and opening up! Teacher Liu's creation has always practiced Gorky's principle that "literature is the study of humanity." The creation of character images is rich and full, with edges and corners, distinct personalities, with a sense of seeking truth from facts, without a heart for sensationalism. It fully reflects what Chairman Mao said: In a class society, every person exists in a certain class position, and all kinds of thoughts are branded with class.
Teachers and comrades, my feelings reading "Black and White" are very complex. I don't hope for, don't like, and even hate the events in the reform and opening up where "Hu Hansan has returned." The reflection in the book is objectively existing; we cannot avoid it.
Let me borrow words from Lu Xun's "In Memory of Liu Hezhen" as today's closing: "The true warrior dares to face the bleak aspects of life, dares to gaze upon dripping blood. ... The true warrior will forge ahead more determinedly."
Thank you all!
Liu Xiaoqiang June 30, 2024
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