Deng Xiaoping's Speech 

at the Central Party's Theoretical Work Conference in the 1980s

All who have come are veteran comrades. Everyone suffered during the ten years of the Cultural Revolution. Comrades who have already been rehabilitated must work hard, and those who haven't been rehabilitated yet should wait a little longer—Comrade Yaobang [note: referring to Hu Yaobang] is working on this matter. Please be patient a bit longer, comrades. In a few more years, the situation will be much better. Those days when we couldn't work normally and had to watch the masses' faces for everything are over. The rebels must be suppressed—catch them one by one. We can't leave them to cause trouble. Today I want to discuss two issues: the Cultural Revolution and reform.

The Cultural Revolution that Chairman Mao launched was wrong both in theory and practice. We are all people who lived through it and experienced it firsthand.

Comrade Shaoqi [note: Liu Shaoqi] and I were overthrown in 1966. Although we still had cars, secretaries, and kitchens, we had no work. The masses held criticism meetings, and we had to make self-criticisms. I was already 50 years old and had been in revolution my whole life. When I started my revolution, Wang Hongwen hadn't even been born yet. More importantly, we could no longer protect our children. Everyone knows that my son broke his leg at Peking University. Although Mao Zedong's son died on the Korean battlefield, my son was also gloriously wounded during the Cultural Revolution. Comrade Jianying [note: Ye Jianying] told me that if we didn't arrest the Gang of Four, we wouldn't be able to live out our later years peacefully. Exactly. We must completely negate the Cultural Revolution—no one would disagree with this.

Chairman Mao launched the Cultural Revolution from the perspective of opposing and preventing revisionism. His intentions were good, but it was unnecessary. When did Comrade Shaoqi and I ever say we wanted to pursue capitalism? Whether it was "making is inferior to buying, buying is inferior to renting" or bonus incentives, these were for building socialism. What we were doing would never lead China onto the capitalist path. It would only make China flourish on the socialist path. It's no use for me to say this—practice will test it. Shaoqi once told me: "If my line really leads China onto the capitalist path, if the masses struggle against and defeat me, I'll accept it."

We fought so many battles, and countless martyrs' blood was shed for today. How many comrades sacrificed themselves shouting "Long live Communism!" One of my soldiers said to me before dying: "Political Commissar Deng, we must achieve communism!" I said: "Don't worry, I will definitely make China prosperous." In 1974, when critiquing "Water Margin," Jiang Qing said at a Politburo meeting: "You, Deng Xiaoping, are Song Jiang. Chairman Mao leads us in revolution against imperialism, but you will surrender to imperialism after the Chairman passes away." Nonsense! I won't!

If one day we abandon our Third World friends and collude with imperialism, our reform will have gone astray. If one day imperialism drops bombs on our heads, our reform will have gone astray. If one day imperialism runs amok on our territory, our reform will have gone astray. If one day America betrays the Shanghai Communiqué and supports Taiwan again, our policy will have problems. But none of this will happen—practice will test it.

Reform is the way forward, divided into two steps. First, return to the line of the Eighth Party Congress of 1956—that is, the line that Comrade Shaoqi and I represented. Second, open up to the world and welcome foreign investment. Some people fear this and that—isn't this like worrying the sky will fall? With Comrade Shaoqi's writings there and me here, there won't be problems.

One comrade [note: referring to Deng Liqun] had a dream: he said he dreamed that China was full of corrupt officials. Nonsense! Our cadres are all Communists, personally promoted by us. Even if they have some bureaucratic tendencies, they wouldn't become corrupt officials. Besides, we still have public security, procuratorate, and courts. If it were really like that, our reform would have problems.

He also said he dreamed that China would have a bourgeoisie. Impossible! We eliminated the bourgeoisie in 1949 and engaged in socialist construction—how could there be a bourgeoisie? Class struggle isn't finished yet? Cultural Revolution thinking!

We should let some people get rich first, and they will help the backward people, ultimately achieving common prosperity. Our children have all received communist education since childhood—they will help others. I'm confident! That comrade also dreamed that China had organized crime. Ridiculous! Only Hong Kong and Taiwan would have that.

We eliminated organized crime 31 years ago. China doesn't have it now and won't have it when we become prosperous in the future. Otherwise, our reform would really have problems. That comrade also dreamed that rich people could kill and get away with it, while poor people had grievances with nowhere to appeal, and Communist Party members became estranged from the masses. Impossible! Our Party only became estranged from the masses during the Cultural Revolution. Now that we're reforming, the Party's work will get better and better, and Communist Party members will grow closer and closer to the masses.

Practice will test this. That comrade also dreamed that workers became unemployed and laid off, capitalists returned to exploit people, peasants had no land to farm, and the people suffered twice. Isn't this absurd? We have too much work now—we're worried there aren't enough workers. There isn't enough grain—how could peasants have no land to farm? If it were really like that, our reform would have gone astray.

Most ridiculous of all, that comrade also dreamed that China was full of prostitutes and sexually transmitted diseases, with poor people sending their daughters into hell. I think he went too far. I wouldn't be inferior to even Chiang Kai-shek, would I? The Communist Party eliminated STDs long ago. Although the Chairman and Premier are no longer with us, I'm still here, Chen Yun is here, and so many veteran comrades are here. Could it be that the socialism won by countless martyrs would be destroyed in our hands? Practice will test truth. It's useless to say anything—if reform reforms away socialism, I would be a criminal of history!

Chen Yun and Peng Zhen also said: The problems are very likely to explode with the fourth generation.